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Peace on Earth has often been elusive, with more times on Earth spent at war rather than peace. This paper examines the nature of peace with its antithesis of war, focussing on the impact of war on the planet, which is not a primary consideration when war is waged. War leaves negative planetary legacies, which are of major concerns in times of population growth whilst living on a finite planet. Who should be responsible for planetary impact of war is considered, with some focus on government and other organisations. Collaborative strategies for caring for the planet through guidelines and level of departments of defence and national law-making organisations at national levels are discussed, as well as overviewing the focus and role of the United Nations and the associated Sustainability Goals. The paper concludes by suggesting that a more powerful way to influence us in our responsibilities to live peacefully, rather than a virtuous ‘should not’ approach, is the need to shift back to a moral positioning in our perspectives as humans being part of the ecosystem, so that we view ourselves as being at one with all life. In this perspective, if we incur harm to this planet, we are harming ourselves. Suggestions for living in a more peaceful way are drawn from indigenous wisdom and spiritual teachers, particularly the current Pope Francis.

The COVID-19 pandemic affected entire humanity, sustainable development and international trade. Even if international trade is in the recovery phase, COVID-19 pandemic's adverse effects on sustainable development and trade continue to be experienced globally. Furthermore, break out of the war in Ukraine (WIU) further affected not only Ukraine and Russia but also other countries. Countries have started to experience adverse impacts of the WIU more deeply as this war continues. From the global sustainable development and trade perspectives, the WIU impacts' magnitude is affected by the significance of Ukraine and Russia's role in and contribution to the global economy and trade (e.g. agriculture, energy). All countries, including developed, developing and under-developed countries, have started to be affected at different levels due to the adverse impacts of this war. Based on an in-depth literature review, this chapter aims to investigate the WIU's impacts on global sustainable development and international trade. Furthermore, effects of the WIU on climate change and on the fight against climate change are investigated within the scope of this chapter. This chapter is expected to be useful to all stakeholders of sustainable development including politicians and researchers.

The study of war has generally been neglected in sociology, with much of the discussion focusing around military spending or the organization of the military rather than war per se. Sociologists have critiqued and investigated the military-industrial complex (Mills, 1959), investigated morale in military units (Durkheim, 1951; Stouffer & DeVinney, 1955), and studied the socialization of soldiers (Cockerham & Cohen, 1980). However, the direct examination of war has been relatively rare. When war has been examined, sociological research has focused on the causes of war, often discussing the preconditions of revolutions (Goldstone, Gurr & Moshiri, 1991; Skopol, 1979), or the reasons for military interventions by core countries in the peripheral countries of the world system (Kowalewski, 1991). Examinations of the sociological impact of war on civilian populations have been even rarer.

The consequences of civil war have been widely analyzed. However, one of its important effects, the human cost of the conflict, remains marginally investigated. Indeed, most of recent literature has focused on the numbers of dead and wounded, while little scope has been given to survivors’ health. Given that the survivors are those who bear the burden of reconstruction, it is crucial to evaluate the health costs of civil conflict to develop and implement proper economic policies. This chapter is an attempt in this direction.

The aim is to assess the impact of the Mozambican Civil War on the long-term health of adult women, measured in terms of their height-for-age z-score (HAZ). Toward this end, two sets of data are used: the household survey data derived from Demographic and Health Survey (DHS+ 2003) which provides a set of anthropometric measures combined with an original geo-referenced event dataset of battles and military actions that took place during this war.

I find that women who were exposed to the conflict during the early stages of their lives display weaker health on average than other women, as reflected by their lower HAZ. This negative effect is correlated with age at the time of exposure to the civil war.

Furthermore, this chapter indicates that the use of the medical concept of infancy–childhood–puberty curves is a suitable tool for estimating the impact of age of entry into the conflict and provides some evidence of the channels through which health is affected by civil conflicts.

The fight between two nations on each other’s exportable on the basis of tariff is known as tariff war. Although an economic policy, very ­often ­motivated by nationalism and politics, a nation imposes tariff on the ­exports of another nation which, in retaliation, again imposes tariff on the exports of its trading partner. The prime cause of such war is certainly to enhance employment opportunities in the home nation. But politics and nationalism provoke the opposite nation to follow the same policy. Effects of such tariff war, whether beneficial or harmful, are yet to be seen. In this context, we have adopted a general equilibrium model to illustrate the probable effect of the above-stated trade war in a structure consisting both H–O nugget and export sector dualism. The effect of imposition of tariff on multinational corporation (MNC) that has its own origin nation and production activities in other nation as well where it faces the war of tariff is considered. But it gets relief in the form of tax reduction in its origin nation. Under such a scenario, the study has shown the effect of tariff in the presence of full employment in the economy as well as in the presence of unemployment. It is seen that the MNC will continue its production procedure in both nations and enjoy profit, under some conditions. Further, in the presence of unemployment it is seen that if rate of tax on the MNC rises, unemployment may fall and welfare can increase under certain conditions.

In macroeconomics, the term recession is defined as a significant decadence in ordinary economic activity in a designated region. There are so many economic theories attempted to explain why and how the economy might fall off of its long-term growth trend and in to a period of short-term recession. Economists say there have been 33 recession in the United States since 1854 through 2018 in total. Since 1980, there have been four such periods of negative economic growth that were considered recession in the wake of the 2008 financial crisis and the Great Depression of the 1930s. Production and flows of goods are directly influenced by the tariff; uses input–output analysis to estimate indirect effects on gross domestic product, exports and employment; and allows redirection of trade toward other producers. The ongoing trade war with similar trade conflicts in history, we reveal three major causes, with varying degrees of importance from both economic and political perspectives.

The aim of this study is to examine the effect of trade wars between countries on social factors. For this purpose, six different criteria are selected based on the comprehensive literature review. Additionally, fuzzy DEMATEL approach is considered to weight these criteria. The findings indicate that working life is the most significant criterion. However, free time and leisure and family are at the bottom of the list. Additionally, it is also defined that working life is the most influencing criterion. These results demonstrate that trade wars have the highest impact on the working life of the people. In other sayings, people’s fear of losing their jobs goes up in case of the trade wars. To solve this problem, companies should make official statements to their employees about the situation caused by the trade wars. By making clear explanations, uncertainties in this process can be minimized.

The aim of the study is to evaluate role of trade war between the United States and China on oil price. For this purpose, global oil price and US trade balance with China are selected as variables. In addition to this issue, monthly data of these variables for the periods between 1990 and 2019 are taken into consideration. In the evaluation process, both Engle–Granger cointegration and Toda–Yamamoto causality analysis are considered. The results of Engle–Granger cointegration analysis indicates that there is a ­relationship between trade war and oil prices. Nevertheless, according to the results of Toda–Yamamoto causality analysis, it is identified that trade war does not cause oil prices. While looking at these results, it is determined that trade war between the United States and China has an influence on the oil price changes. However, it is also understood that it is not the main factor of this volatility. Thus, it is recommended that in order to identify the main indicator of the oil price volatility, some different factors should also be taken into consideration.

This paper attempts to understand how the interaction of natural disasters and human behaviour during wartime led to famines in three regions under imperial control around the Indian Ocean. The socio-economic structure of these regions had been increasingly differentiated over the period of imperial rule, with large proportions of their populations relying on agricultural labour for their subsistence.

Before the war, food crises in each of the regions had been met by the private importation of grain from national or overseas surplus regions: the grain had been made available through a range of systems, the most complex of which was the Bengal Famine Code in which the able-bodied had to work before receiving money to buy food in the market.

During the Second World War, the loss of control of normal sources of imported grain, the destruction of shipping in the Indian Ocean (by both sides) and the military demands on internal transport systems prevented the use of traditional famine responses when natural events affected grain supply in each of the regions. These circumstances drew the governments into attempts to control their own grain markets.

The food crises raised complex ethical and practical issues for the governments charged with their solution. The most significant of these was that the British Government could have attempted to ship wheat to Bengal but, having lost naval control of the Indian Ocean in 1942 and needing warships in the Atlantic and Mediterranean in 1943 chose to ignore the needs of the people of Bengal, focussing instead on winning the war.

In each of the regions governments allowed/encouraged the balkanisation of the grain supply – at times down to the sub-district level – which at times served to produce waste and corruption, and opened the way for black markets as various groups (inside and outside government ranks) manipulated the local supply.

People were affected in different ways by the changes brought about by the war: some benefitted if their role was important to the war-effort; others suffered. The effect of this was multiplied by the way each government ‘solved’ its financial problems by – in essence – printing money.

Because of the natural events of the period, there would have been food crises in these regions without World War II, but decisions made in the light of wartime exigencies and opportunities turned crises into famines, causing the loss of millions of lives.

We consider the relationship between external aid and development in Mozambique from 1980–2004, identifying the specific mechanisms through which aid has influenced the developmental trajectory of the country. We undertake both a growth accounting analysis and review the intended and unintended effects of aid at the micro-level. Sustained aid flows to Mozambique, in conflict and post-conflict periods, have made an unambiguous, positive contribution to rapid growth since 1992. However, proliferation of donors and aid-supported interventions has burdened local administration, indicating a need for deeper domestic government accountability. To sustain growth, Mozambique must maximize benefits from natural resources while promoting constructive international market integration.