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The purpose of this paper is to investigate the gender differences in time poverty in two Middle East North African (MENA) countries, particularly Egypt and Tunisia, as well as examining its determinants across gender.

To this end, the authors make use of data provided by the Labor Market Panel Survey (LMPS) in Egypt (2012) and in Tunisia (2014) to estimate probit regressions to identify various determinants that explain time poverty.

The empirical findings show that the probability of time poverty, in both countries, is lower for women compared to men. In addition, the determinants of time poverty (individual, household and community variables) and their marginal effects differ across gender.

Research on the gender inequalities in time poverty and its determinants has been very limited. Additionally, the relationships between individuals’ time use and the conditions under which this might represent time poverty have not been fully studied in the literature. Moreover, most of the available studies have focused on developed countries; while studies tackling this issue in developing countries are very few. For the MENA region, in particular, this topic is totally missing in the available literature.

The purpose of this column is to explore the relationship between the increasing presence of computers and communication technologies during the twentieth and twenty-first centuries on the changed perception of the level of personal time available to individuals.

In recent years, there is considerable writing in research journals and the popular media around a cluster of time-related issues which is sometimes referred to “the time crunch”, “time poverty”, “time famine”, “overwork”, “time scarcity” and countless other similar phrases.

A predominant contemporary struggle is that we seem to lack the time. We cannot seem to do everything we should and want to do.

The issue of time poverty is likely to remain with us in both our professional and personal lives. The question “where did the time go?” has been growing in importance since the mid-twentieth century, and it appears reasonable that even if some of the other causes of time poverty such as gender and class inequality, lack of new experiences in later life and cultural tolerance of obsessive attitudes toward work were to be miraculously reversed, the growing persistence and invasiveness of technology in our lives are not likely something that will diminish.

The purpose of this paper is to explore links between a revisionist view of the “feminisation of poverty” in developing countries and women’s work and home-based enterprise in urban slums.

The paper’s discussion of the “feminisation of poverty” draws substantially from ethnographic field research conducted in The Gambia, The Philippines and Costa Rica. This research led the author to propose the notion of a “feminisation of responsibility and/or obligation”. The latter approach draws attention to issues such as gendered disparities of labour, time and resource inputs into household livelihoods, which are often most marked in male-headed units, and are not captured in conventional referents of the “feminisation of poverty”, which are rather narrowly confined to incomes and female household headship.

An integral element of the author’s critique is that the main policy response to classic “feminisation of poverty” thinking, to date, has been to “feminise” anti-poverty initiatives such as Conditional Cash Transfer (CCT) and microfinance programmes.

The paper argues that the “feminisation of poverty” compounds the tensions women already face in terms of managing unpaid reproductive and/or “volunteer” work with their economic contributions to household livelihoods, and it is in the context of urban slums, where housing, service and infrastructure deficiencies pose considerable challenges to women’s dual burdens of productive and reproductive labour. The paper emphasizes that to more effectively address gender inequality while also alleviating poverty, policy interventions sensitive to women’s multiple, time-consuming responsibilities and obligations are paramount.

The present study evaluates the impact of special economic zones (SEZs) on poverty, both rural and urban with special reference to Andhra Pradesh in India, using household consumption expenditure data. In addition to estimating the effects of the SEZs on poverty, the authors explore some of the possible mechanisms generating these effects.

The authors apply a difference-in-differences (DID) technique on a pooled, cross-sectional, district-level dataset based on official annual household surveys for the period from 2001 to 2012 to estimate the average effects of SEZs on household expenditure per capita, a commonly used measure of household poverty.

The establishment of the SEZs constituted a major exogenous shock to rural economies by creating demand for large chunks of land, which had an immediate impact on the economic and social settings of these economies and aggravated rural poverty. However, over time the poverty aggravating effects of SEZs in rural areas dampened. The effects of SEZs on urban poverty are found to be different from those on rural poverty. It is also revealed that the districts with multiple SEZs experienced larger effects than those with only one or two SEZs. Overall, the SEZs did have positive expenditure effects, but this transition might have been accompanied by heightened inequality between the rural and urban areas.

First, the authors did not have access to village or municipal-level consumption data. It is therefore assumed here that district level performance is a reliable proxy for the relevant impacts of SEZ operations. Second, panel data, which would allow more precise measurement of effects than the pooled cross section data used in this study, are not available. Third, the authors’ econometric analysis is essentially comparative statics in nature and does not capture possible spillover dynamics, issues of relocation of economic activity, or migration.

First, land acquisition is likely to emerge as a major political and social challenge for the localities that host SEZs. For effective policy implementation, it is necessary to establish legal institutions to address this challenge. Second, governments in developing countries often announce new SEZ programmes on a very large scale and insist that they be implemented over short periods of time. The authors recommend that the government should adopt an experimental approach in implementing the policy. Third, the authors provide evidence that in the long run, effects of SEZs hinge on the success of SEZs in attracting investment and generating additional employment. The policy must therefore be informed by rigorous analysis of the potential of SEZs in the country, as well as alternative policy options.

The authors’ results show that large-scale land acquisitions to implement large industrial projects are likely to result in shocks to the rural economy exacerbating rural-urban inequalities: village communities lose their resource base, are marginalised in the process, and, as a result, face economic deprivations. It may lead to severe economic, social and political consequences. The authors’ study implies that any strategy for large-scale industrialisation should take cognisance of its effects on the affected communities and should be designed to include strategies to improve their economic opportunities and to ensure social inclusion.

SEZs are one of the most controversial topics within development policy discourse. Their regional development effects are subject to intense debate. Yet, there is surprisingly little systematic evaluation to inform the debate and to guide policymakers. This is one of the earliest studies to assess the poverty effects of SEZs and is the first for India, using household consumption data.

The purpose of this paper is to demonstrate the combined use of time-use diaries and interviews to get a fuller understanding of how people use their time, the factors that influence their time use, and their subjective perceptions of their time pressures. This paper focuses on how the methodology influenced the findings.

Participants kept a diary of their time use for one week and then participated in interviews to discuss their time use.

While the diaries yielded numerical data about participants’ time use, the interviews revealed the reasons behind their time choices. The complexity of Pakistani food preparation and the presence of in-laws in the home emerged as major factors. All participants expressed frustration with their time poverty.

This was a small pilot study limited to eight participants.

This method gives researchers a more powerful tool for understanding not only how people use their time, but the social, cultural and economic forces behind their choices.

Time poverty creates social inequities, especially among women and marginalized people. The methodology presented allows participants to have a voice in time-use studies and can help policy makers create policies that correct time poverty for disadvantaged groups.

This paper illustrates the usefulness of combining two existing methods for time-use studies in a new way for more powerful results.

The purpose of this paper is to examine the impact of public expenditure on economic growth and poverty alleviation in developing countries like India. If poverty and inequality are high, the government may resort to distributive policies at the cost of long-term growth. The distributive policies and poverty alleviation measures fail to achieve success due to lack of good governance, lack of proper targeting and problems in the implementation of such schemes. On the other hand, if the nature of public expenditure is such that it enhances per capita income, it will help reduce poverty.

After analytical digression and construction of hypotheses panel regression has been done using state-level data in the Indian context to empirically verify the above propositions. Both Fixed effects and Random effects models have been used for this purpose.

The results show that in states where ratio of public expenditure on the development of infrastructure such as road, irrigation, power, transport and communication is higher, per capita income is also higher and incidence of poverty is lower indicating that economic growth is important for poverty alleviation and development of infrastructure is necessary for growth.

This study demonstrates how public policy and public finance can be used as instruments for removal of poverty.

The study examines the dynamic relationship among globalisation, income inequality and poverty in Mexico, Indonesia, Nigeria and Turkey (MINT countries) between 1980 and 2018.

A Bayesian vector autoregressive (BVAR) approach is used as a technique of estimation hanging on the fact that the method uses prior distribution for the estimated parameters.

The results show that globalisation is a strong predictor of itself in all the MINT countries only in the short run. In the long run, income inequality and poverty strongly influence globalisation, respectively, in Indonesia and Turkey, while globalisation still has more impact on itself in Nigeria. Income inequality has a strong endogenous impact on itself in Mexico and Indonesia over the time horizon, whereas globalisation and poverty are strong predictors of income inequality in the long run in Nigeria and Turkey, respectively. Also, poverty strongly influences itself in all the MINT countries in all the periods, meaning that poverty begets itself in all the MINT countries, except for Indonesia in the long run.

The study suggests that all the MINT countries should ensure political stability and a strong institutional framework to gain from the process of globalisation and to experience reductions in the levels of income inequality and poverty.

This study is distinct from other studies in the sense that an overall globalisation index (GBI) as used by Dreher et al. (2008) is used for the globalisation variable, and the Multidimensional Poverty Index (MPI) is used to capture poverty in all the MINT countries. Also, the research paper uses a BVAR approach as against the classical VAR, and this helps in solving over-fitting problems.

The paper aims to compare applied social policy approaches to child poverty and economic inequality, the latter being mainly operationalised in the UK in terms of social mobility.

The paper considers the theoretical stance underpinning New Labour's approach towards social policy, with particular reference to “individualisation”, and reviews Government strategies towards tackling poverty and economic inequality.

Despite a decade of unprecedented investment, there is an impasse in reducing child poverty and economic inequality has increased. Policy now relies on education as being the clinching factor to break this impasse. Education is vital but education alone will not tip the balance in eradicating poverty. The assumption that education will facilitate social mobility, by serving to position the UK at the high end of the global labour market, fails to address the prevalence of the “low‐pay‐no‐pay” cycle associated with the flexible labour market. Further measures are necessary to ensure that the labour market accommodates the needs of those entering it.

The paper shows that, given the failure of current social policy to address poverty and inequality, especially given that post‐recession conditions are likely to be less favourable than in the last decade, there is an urgent need for bold, new policy thinking. Pinning all hopes on education – and seeing solutions only in terms of individuals' skills and aspirations, without critical consideration of the nature of the labour market – cannot be accepted as the best way forward.

In spite of the War on Poverty programs of the 1960s and the economic boom of the 1990s, poverty remains consistently high among families with children in the USA. The main source of income for these families is employment, which is largely a function of educational attainment. The purpose of this paper is to turn to aggregate and individual level data and demonstrate the power of college education in economic well‐being of women with children.

A nationally representative sample of single and married mothers was retrieved and the role of education in economic well‐being of these women was examined using descriptive, bi‐variate, and multiple ordinal logistic regression.

Both married and single mothers benefit immensely from a bachelors degree.

In recent years, policy makers in the USA have trimmed resources that promote education among poor women with children. This analysis, underscores the importance of postsecondary education in the economic well‐being of mothers with children and therefore the need for social policy promoting college education.

This article shows the power of education on economic well‐being of both married and single women with children.

Poverty reduction remains one of the main goals of development efforts, as evidenced by the adoption of the Millennium Development Goals by most developing countries and international agencies. The purpose of this paper is to explore the relationship between trade (exports) and employment and how the relationship reduces poverty through the instrumentality of employment, with a focus on Nigeria.

The paper takes the form of descriptive analysis.

Evaluating the case for Nigeria, the authors find that oil exports which drives economic growth do not provide the needed employment to reduce poverty, while agricultural trade, particularly exports, are capable of reducing poverty and inequality in Nigeria through the channel of employment and agricultural productivity growth.

The paper makes a link between export trade, employment and poverty reduction in Nigeria.