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Albania's commitment to safeguard and protect Roma minority rights, and integrate this community in society is expressed in its regular broad-based efforts and continuous policy dialogue to adopt its domestic legislation to find durable solutions to expand social coexistence. Its valuable contribution to shape diversity at local and national level combined with the fight against discrimination has fostered the development of national strategies on Roma minority inclusion and encouraged the implementation of various action plans to deconstruct prejudicial structures and stereotypes. Jointly sharing responsibility with various Roma and non-Roma civil society organizations through a cooperation model, the Albanian government has supported socio-economic empowerment of the Roma minority and promoted its equal access to education, health care, housing and employment. In line with the European Union enlargement process, Albania adopted Poznan Declaration setting clear goals to achieve full integration of this community.

Despite various efforts made to reduce the gap between the Roma and the Albanian population, limited progress has been achieved in the social inclusion of the Roma minority. In general, the institutional capacity to coordinate Roma-related policies is weak. Low socio-economic standards of this community including the lack of digital skills to unlock individual opportunities, segregation in schools, low health insurance coverage and poor access to technology hinder the acceleration of its inclusion (European Commission, 2022, pp. 36–37). This chapter will be mainly focused on education of Roma children in Albania highlighting some of the challenges they face and indicating some positive models to address them at local level.

This introduction from Katalin R. Forray and Andrea Óhidy provides a brief overview of the social and education situation of European Roma and also about the structure of this book.

Roma are here described as a ‘hidden minority’ (see the country study about Italy from Valeria Cavioni in the book Lifelong Learning and the Roma Minority in Western and Southern Europe (2019)), because – although they are the largest minority group living in Europe for more than a hundred years – we still know very little about them. Although most of the Roma people have been living for centuries in European countries, their situation is still different from the non-Roma population; they often suffered from poverty and exclusion. There is a host of Roma, especially in Southern and in Eastern Europe, who is considered to be the most disadvantaged group in European societies; that is, regarding their (1) health situation, (2) on the labour, (3) on the housing market and (4) also in education. Questions of education are the central elements of politics making the situation of Roma better. To fulfil these requirements, some European countries have taken determined steps. As Natascha Hofmann in the country study about Germany wrote in the book Lifelong Learning and the Roma Minority in Western and Southern Europe (2019), we are in the phase of the ‘dawn of learning’ because there are more and more policies and programmes to develop attainment and success of Roma in European education and lifelong learning. This book wants to change this and gives an overview about retrospective and prospective tendencies in the situation of European Roma in education and lifelong learning.

This chapter delves into the education of Kosovo's Roma community, shining a light on the obstacles they encounter and the initiatives taken by the government to enhance their educational prospects. The Roma community represents just 0.5% of Kosovo's entire population and faces significant challenges with low literacy rates and high dropout rates, particularly at lower levels of education. Since Kosovo's independence proclamation in 2008, there have been institutional advancements and partnerships with local, central, and worldwide organisations to improve the education system for the Roma community.

This study aims to provide an in-depth understanding of the educational situation of the Roma community in Kosovo. It recognises their challenges and proposes practical solutions to accelerate their integration and improve their social, educational, and cultural welfare. Various analytical methods, including descriptive statistics and historical analysis, are utilised to conduct comparative and quantitative assessments.

The Roma community in Kosovo continues to encounter numerous challenges, such as economic hardships, lack of education opportunities, and early marriages that often result in school dropouts. However, research highlights the government's dedication to enhancing education conditions and enabling better access to the labour market for the Roma community through proper education and qualifications. Additionally, Kosovo's constitutional and legal framework safeguards the rights of all communities, including the Roma community, regarding education and employment with high standards.

In this chapter, Milena Ivova Ilieva describes the Roma minority in the education system of Bulgaria, where – according to data from non-governmental organizations working directly with the Roma community – the number of Roma people varies between 8-10% of the total population. The situation of the Roma community is characterized by its marginal position in the society at different levels, which stands out more clearly against the process of globalization. Ilieva shows the disadvantages in social situation and presents a general overview of the classification of the Roma Community about educational integration. She analyses the official statistical data and gives reasons for the low education level of Roma in Bulgaria and describes the policy measures for Roma integration after 1989. She concludes that at this stage of their existence, the programs which the Bulgarian State is trying to apply with regard to Roma, are not effective and do not conform to the specifics of the Roma community.

Key international and intergovernmental organizations assess the size of the Roma population in Serbia to be around 4–600.000, rendering Serbia among the five countries in Europe with the highest percentage of Roma population. Although Roma in Serbia have a long history of self-organization, cultural and media organizations, and are formally recognized as national minorities with a National Council of the Roma National Minority as a body with political decision-making influence, the Roma community in Serbia, as in most other European countries, is the most disadvantaged and underprivileged group in the country, often living in underdeveloped neighbourhoods with limited access to social services, especially education and health.

The educational attainment of the Roma population in Serbia, as in other countries in Europe, is far below the attainment of the general population. The education indicators are showing a developing trend, albeit slow. Roma integration policies evolved in Serbia from the early 2000s in the general policy framework of Equity of Education and Inclusive Education and a comprehensive education reform agenda, promoted and legally endorsed by the 2009 Law on the Foundations of the Education System. As the consequence of such an approach, the Roma integration policies intertwined and mutually reinforced with other reform policy areas. The most important post-2000 policies supporting the integration of Roma students into education are the introduction of pedagogical assistants in elementary schools and preschool institutions as a profession, paid from the budget, abolishing the system of school readiness assessment, introducing individual education plans and intensifying affirmative action and scholarships for enrolment in secondary and tertiary education.

In this chapter, Markéta Levínská, Dana Bittnerová and David Doubek show the situation of the Roma Minority in the Czech Republic. According to qualified estimates by regional coordinators for Roma minority affairs, a total of 245,800 Roma lived in Czechia in 2016, which represents 2.3% of the overall population in the Czech Republic. The Roma in the Czech Republic cannot be considered a homogeneous group, neither economically, nor regarding their social status. The authors describe the legal, social and cultural status of the Roma minority then analyse their attainment on different levels of the education system. After listing the most important policies and support programmes in the area of Roma education, they show current research results relating to the state of Roma education.

Taking into account the statistical data from 2004, about 12,300 Roma citizens live in Moldova, which represents 0.4% of the total population. Gypsies call themselves Roma in the Romani language of Europe. Given the challenge created by the lack of reliable and accurate data on the Roma population available from existing Moldovan statistics, the United Nations Development Program in Moldova initiated, in 2005, the first quantitative study covering 600 Roma households and 600 non-Roma households in 81 localities. Conducting surveys on settlements occupied predominantly by the Roma population has allowed the follow-up of results that eventually led to highlighting the aspects of life conditions, health and education system of Roma population.

Speaking about the factors that condition migration, family reasons are mentioned most often. Although official statistics do not provide disaggregated data on life expectancy, infant and maternal mortality for Roma, statistical data show that life expectancy, infant mortality, morbidity and other major health indicators in the Republic of Moldova (as in other countries in the region) are substantial more precarious for the Roma than for the majority of the population. School education is an important aspect in terms of both school attendance and learning outcomes, as the chance of success in life is generally higher with a higher education level. Qualitative education implies not only inclusion in the educational system, but also family participation in socialisation and support for early integration of children.

In this chapter, Andrea Óhidy provides an overview of some central issues of the book. First, she shows the similarities in the challenges to increase the participation and success of Roma people in education and lifelong learning in the selected European countries; then, she discusses their policies and support programmes, which, on the one hand, try to improve the social situation of the Roma while promoting minority language and culture, on the other hand. She finds the reason for their similarities regarding the wording, defining and communicating and also concerning the main ideas and concrete projects for possible solutions, in the Roma inclusion policy of the European Union in the frame of the Open Method of Coordination, which has been introduced within the Lisbon Strategy, linked to the idea of lifelong learning. She considers the realisation of these policy measures at national, regional and local levels to have shown only unsatisfactory results until now.

The chapter provides information about the second largest ethnic minority in Romania, Roma people, and the way the Romanian educational system is open to inclusion. Based on factual data about number, groups and legal status, the chapter presents some peculiarities regarding the culture and language, social situation and the level of education. The main part of the presentation is focused on the educational issues, such as information about Romanian educational system and educational attainment of the Roma from preschool till tertiary education and lifelong learning programs. The last part include information about policies and support programs for Roma education and a short analysis of good practice initiatives within Romanian cultural and educational space.

This paper delineates the proprietary contest developed around a highly valued prestige item: a silver roofed tankard owned by a Romanian, Gabor Roma man.

The author applies “methodological fetishism” (Appadurai, 1986, p. 5), the perspective of things-in-motion, as well as the biographic method to interpret data collected during 31.5 months of multi-sited anthropological fieldwork carried out in the Transylvanian Gabor and Cărhar Roma groups.

As the tankard in question crossed the borders of three Transylvanian Roma groups, and thus went through the processes of de- and re-contextualization three times, it is characterized by a transethnic/transcultural biography. This paper pays special attention to the agency associated with the tankard (the social and economic practices, processes and emotions it caused or influenced), the transformations concerning its symbolic properties, and its movement between various social contexts and value regimes. Furthermore, it examines how the analysis of these issues contributes to a deeper understanding of prestige relations and consumption, morality and business ethics, and measures of success in two Transylvanian Roma groups.

This paper reveals how subjects create, manipulate, and represent their identities, and social and economic differences through the construction of commodity biographies and ownership histories interpreted as symbolic pantheons. By combining the terms of Marcus (1995) and Fowles (2006), it argues that analyses based on multi-sited fieldwork focusing on commodities crossing cultural or social boundaries, and their transnational/transcultural biographies, should be defined as multi-sited commodity ethnographies.