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Globally, the COVID-19 pandemic has been in effect since 2019. It has impacted people's lives differently, and education is one of the biggest challenges. In Myanmar, apart from the pandemic, the Coup d’état in 2021 crippled development across many sectors, including education. Consequently, they interfered with Myanmar's progress toward inclusive education in line with Sustainable Development Goal Four (SDG 4). A brief overview of Myanmar's progress and challenges in implementing inclusive education is provided in this chapter. Furthermore, it aims to bring ideas on how inclusive education in Myanmar could improve in the aftermath of the pandemic and coup.

In this chapter, we examine historical and contemporary debates about the position and situation of women in Myanmar (and to a lesser extent gender and sexual minorities). Specific reference is made to the patriarchal character of the military coup of February 1, 2021, and the emergent forms of feminist resistance that turned social norms inside out in protest against lethal repression. The way women, as well as sexual and gender minorities, are unequally positioned and face structural and social discrimination in society serves to contextualize our presentation of the findings of a collaborative case-study conducted in 2018 on issues pertaining to gender and imprisonment in Myanmar, based mainly on interviews with former prisoners in three research sites. The aim was to generate field-based knowledge about the carceral experiences of women and LGBTQIA+ persons in Myanmar – focusing on their needs and vulnerabilities, their capacities and rights, their relationships and identities, and their modes of survival as they encounter penal regimes. Findings are summarized focusing on former prisoners’ experiences of legal bias; perspectives on encounters with the criminal justice system; the inadequacy of health provision (posed as lethal neglect); and the way certain behaviors and identities are criminalized. The chapter concludes with some reflections on the degree to which there might still be space for critical scholarship in the post-coup world and poses some questions for future research.

Improvements in special education and the implementation of inclusive education are a significant focus in Myanmar. Legislation toward these goals was officially enacted in the National Education Law, which was amended in 2015. While the Ministry of Education has adopted a policy of inclusive education, which states that all students with disabilities could attend mainstream school classes, classroom settings are not adequately equipped to support students with disabilities. The Department of Social Welfare does not have an inclusive education program. The department's role is to support the training of schools as a part of special education for such students, providing primary special education via different teaching methods and appropriate therapies for students with disabilities. After students pass the primary education exam, they can join middle school, high school, and higher education levels of inclusive education, which run under the Ministry of Education. All special schools in Myanmar focus their different occupational therapies on enhancing students' physical and mental capabilities and collaborating with outside professionals in relevant areas. The Ministry of Education aims to develop the knowledge and skills of teacher educators and teachers, so they can effectively adopt more inclusive teaching practices. Currently, Myanmar's basic education reforms are being carried out through the National Education Strategic Plan (2016–2021). The ministry is currently working to implement a new 4-year pre-service degree program as well as the Basic Education School Quality Assurance Standards Framework. Such a movement to enhance the quality of teachers became a bridge to collaborate between inclusive and special education within two ministries.

This chapter provides a cross-cultural look at the intersection of religion and the state with a focus on social control, social movements, political authority, and legitimacy. To better understand the complexities of governance, this chapter examines state social control of religion with a specific focus on the effects of that control on society. State leaders often seek to control and use the power of religion to gain legitimacy, authority, and control over citizens. Conversely, religious leaders sometimes seek to engage and even control the power of the state. This chapter highlights some of what happens when religious leaders directly engage in politics and challenge the social control mechanisms of political authority.

At times religious majorities seek not only to participate in the public square, to make policy, but also to exercise complete control of political and cultural institutions. In many nations, from Christians in the United States to Buddhists in Myanmar, some religious and government leaders share the goal of complete religious control over their societies. What happens to the religions and to the society when these religious and government leaders are successful? What happens to the religion when a state controls, supports, and promotes that religion? This chapter uses the case histories of the repression of the Muslim minority by the Buddhists nationalists in Myanmar and the desires of the United States Christian Dominionists goals to illustrate and highlight the way that the twin powers of the state and religion serve as direct agents of social control by transmitting values of each institution through law, policy, and by punishing those who deviate.

This chapter explores the work tasks assigned to women prisoners in Myanmar. The official intention of such tasks is to help rehabilitate women in prison by providing them with skills to enhance their future employability outside the prison. The chapter critically inspects this proposition based on an ethnographic case study involving interviews with previously incarcerated women. The women’s narratives allow us to juxtapose the actual practice of prison work with the aims of rehabilitation and to critically examine the connection between the types of work tasks given, the distribution of tasks to different kinds of prisoners, and the potential of such work to enhance employability post-release. We find that while prison work is provided ostensibly to prepare and equip women with skills as a form of vocational training, in fact, it rather serves the interests of private companies and the Myanmar Prison Department. We argue that the types of work are intentionally and unintentionally exploitative. The challenges faced by women concerning prison work are highlighted, and the authors propose that the Myanmar Prison Department must commit to more genuine livelihood training options that are not exploitative, but meaningful and orientated toward the employability of women prisoners upon their release.

Political corruption takes many forms across different countries and regions. The types of corruption that occur in American politics are drastically different from the clientelism, nepotism, and corrupt electoral practices that are seen in the developing world. This chapter will analyze three distinct cases of political corruption in Southeast Asian politics: clientelism in Cambodia, nepotism in Thailand, and the 2021 coup d'état in Myanmar. All three cases highlight the unique challenges facing developing democracies and reveal that, while political corruption affects all countries to a degree, distinct regional and cultural differences produce different forms of corruption in Southeast Asia than in the United States.

The Union of Myanmar is located in mainland Southeast Asia and shares borders with India, China, Lao PDR, Thailand, and Bangladesh. It is situated between the Himalayan ranges and the Bay of Bengal. Due to these diversified geographical features, Myanmar is highly vulnerable to different kinds of hazards, and has experienced many kinds of disasters in the past, according to the Hazard Profile of Myanmar (2009), such as cyclones, floods, storms, landslides, earthquakes, tsunamis, droughts, and fires. For the general public, cyclones are considered the major menace in the country, however the recent earthquake with a magnitude of 6.9 in Shan state on March 24, 2011 made inhabitants realize that they are living with the risk of earthquakes as well. According to New Light of Myanmar (the State-run newspaper) on March 26, 2011, the earthquake resulted in 73 deaths (official record of the country). Besides earthquakes and cyclones, there have been many victims of landslides, and the people at coastal areas face the risk of tsunami in the case of earthquakes that occur in the Indian Ocean. In 2004, 61 people were killed in Myanmar by the Indian Ocean tsunami according to the Hazard Profile of Myanmar (2009). Furthermore, the year of 2011 witnessed chronic and severe floods all over the country.

The purpose of this chapter is to explore practices of early childhood education (ECE) in four Southeast Asian countries, Indonesia, Malaysia, Vietnam and Myanmar. For the past years, the attention toward ECE in these countries have arisen, partially as the result of the international development agenda such as Education for All, Millennium Development Goals and the latest Sustainable Development Goals. This chapter argues the extent to which the practices of ECE in these four countries are the result of their ongoing negotiation between the global and the local values. The chapter also elaborates the gap in the extent to which neoliberalism is very dominant in the ECE. Hence, despite the rhetorical that emphasize the importance of ECE, ECE is largely dominated by private sectors. This situation might create an obstacle for children’s access and participation to ECE sectors. Hence, this chapter serves as invitation for the government to spend more budget to ECE so that ECE can be accessible to all children in the regions.

Purpose: This chapter examines alternative education programs available for Myanmarese migrant youth in Thailand, what these young migrants expect of education, and how these migrant learning centers (MLCs) can help provide more opportunities for migrants.

Methods: This study draws from the data collected through two stages of qualitative research undertaken in Mae Sot, a town that borders Myawaddy, Myanmar in Thailand. Stage one consisted of ethnographic research with the local Myanmarese diaspora when I worked as a volunteer at a community-based organization. In stage two, a series of interviews were conducted with eight faculty members and twenty students enrolled in the secondary school level or vocational training program of three local MLCs.

Findings: The main finding is that even with both inclusive education policies and alternative education options in place, there is still a missing link between the educational attainment of Myanmarese migrant youth and their future prospects. While Thai public education seems to be a pathway to more future opportunities in the host country, it can be a trap when migrant youth cannot make good use of their learned knowledge and Thai language skills in the future due to their irregular status. In contrast with Thai public schools, MLCs offer more than simply education. They also provide scholarship, employment and social welfare assistance to serve the varying needs of young migrants.

Originality: The case of Myanmarese migrants presents a unique study in which the gap between students’ educational attainment and future prospects cannot necessarily be bridged even with a valid work visa scheme in place. Some Myanmarese migrants are displaced individuals who fled from civil wars and without any identification documents. The legal systems enforced by nation-states, such as Thailand, that rely on identification documents to control the flow of population still lack the capacity to adequately address the educational needs and employment opportunities of individuals with irregular status.