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Conflict understandings of lay people mirror society in miniature. Although lay people and their conflict understandings in society may shape the course of an ongoing conflict, little scholarly attention is so far given to the understandings of everyday discourse in Turkey’s ongoing Kurdish conflict. The present research aims to examine the views of lay Kurds and Turks in two politically polarized cities in Turkey, Mersin and Diyarbakır.

To examine these views, the authors used focus group discussions and open-ended questionnaires with a total of 64 lay people from Mersin and Diyarbakır.

Qualitative content analysis revealed more conflict understandings than presented in the existing academic literature. Furthermore, multiple correspondence analysis suggested that both ethnic identity and the city in which people live are important factors influencing how people perceive the conflict.

The meaning of novel themes, differences and similarities within and between ethnic groups and two cities, and the usefulness of qualitative methods to examine lay people’s viewpoints are discussed.

Exploring the understandings of conflict held by Members of Parliament (MPs) provides a meaningful picture of a conflict in a particular society. The aim of the study is to explore the Kurdish conflict understandings among MPs in Turkey.

The current research used Q methodology, which is a suitable method to identify socially shared perspectives and to identify intra- and inter-group differences, and Entman’s (1993) frame analysis to explore subjective understandings of the Kurdish conflict. Data were collected from 23 MPs from four political parties.

The analysis revealed four qualitatively distinct viewpoints: Turkish Nationalist view, Social Democratic view, Conservative-Religious view and Pro-Kurdish view.

This study contributes to the understanding of political parties’ perspectives on the Kurdish conflict in Turkey by representing each political party’s priorities and concerns. The meaning of these priorities and concerns, implications for conflict resolution and the usefulness of the Q methodology for exploring conflict understandings are also discussed.

This paper aims to examine the secessionist orientation of Kurdistan Region’s paradiplomacy in the context of two main variables: the internal structural variables in Iraq after 2003 and the nationalism variable.

This study relies on the theory of neoliberalism to explain the transformation of Kurdistan’s paradiplomacy to protodiplomacy. It also relies on legal approach through using the Iraqi constitution and the draft constitution for the Kurdistan Region.

The internal structural variables are one of the main variables to motivate the region with advanced nationalism to pursue a protodiplomacy. Secession or forming an independent state of Kurds is a historic requirement supported by the advanced nationalism of Iraqi Kurds.

This study encourages focusing on the crucial role of the internal structural variables that drive the regions, especially with the advanced nationalism to pursue a protodiplomacy. Also, this study recommends giving more focus on the external variables and Kurdistan’s secession.

This paper reveals the reality of Kurdistan’s protodiplomacy.

The purpose of this study was to investigate the association of individual and environmental indicators with body mass-index-for-age-z-score (BAZ) of female adolescents living in the North-West of Iran.

In this cross-sectional study, 380 female adolescents aged 16-18 years were selected from two major ethnic groups (Azeri and Kurd) in Urmia city selected by stratified cluster sampling method. In total, 13 high schools (9 public and 4 private) were selected across all municipality zones of Urmia city. BAZ was calculated by Anthro-Plus software. Demographic and socioeconomic information of samples were collected by a questionnaire through interviews. Home environment features (including physical activity facilities, television, computer games and social media use, food consumption habits and family rules) and school environment features (including socioeconomic status [SES], physical activity facilities, food consumption habits) were evaluated by two separate self-constructed questionnaires via an interview with adolescents and schools’ deans, respectively.

Azeri adolescents had parents with higher education and job level and higher SES compared to Kurds (p = 0.000). A higher percent of Azeri adolescents were obese than their Kurd counterparts (p = 0.006). No association was found between individual factors and BAZ in each ethnic group. Considering home environment characteristics, in Kurd adolescents, the maternal occupational level was positively associated with BAZ (p = 0.02). With regard to school environmental features, accessibility of physical activity facilities in school was inversely associated with BAZ only in Kurds (p = 0.005).

To the best of the authors’ knowledge, this is the first study to investigate various environmental factors in association with adolescent’s overweight/obesity prevalence in different ethnical groups in northwest Iran.

Collective political traumas emerge from human behavior as a result of political motivation. These events include destructive and intense violence that disrupt the biopsychosocial processes of people in general. A study was conducted on individuals involved in the conflict between the Kurds in southeastern Turkey and security forces. This study aims to determine whether perceived social support, assumptions about the world, psychological resilience and psychological symptoms predict post-traumatic growth (PTG). In addition, the study examines whether differences existed between the participants’ PTG and the four cited variables according to the type of trauma and major sociodemographic variables.

This study recruited 324 individuals who completed the PTG Inventory, Multidimensional Perceived Social Support Scale, World Assumption Scale, Brief Psychological Resilience Scale and Symptom Checklist-90-R Symptom Screening List. Data were analyzed using regression analysis, ANOVA and t-test for independent groups.

Analysis revealed that assumptions about the world, perceived social support and level of psychological symptoms significantly predicted PTG level. The level of psychological symptoms was significantly higher among individuals exposed than those not exposed to prison. Moreover, participants with low levels of education and income displayed low levels of social support and psychological resilience but high levels of psychological symptoms. When working with victims of collective political trauma, the fact that people who are exposed to prison and torture experience and those with low socioeconomic levels pose serious risks in terms of psychological problems must be considered.

This research is important because it collects data on the effects of collective political traumas.

The purpose of the study was to identify the economic impacts of landmine clearance on household livelihoods and to present the qualitative findings of a study undertaken in the Kurdish region of Iraq.

The sampling method followed a case series, purposive sampling design. Five recipient households were interviewed from different districts. In addition, purposively selected program staff (N = 4) and local community leaders (N = 2) were interviewed. When undertaking the thematic analysis of the Kurdish household qualitative interviews, it became very apparent that the Kurdish informants did not talk in terms of economic outcomes as a result of demining. The data were then re-analyzed using a narrative framework and reported in this paper.

While the research sought a link between demining, livelihoods, poverty reduction and economic development, the respondents told another story. Their story focused on the social consequences of returning to their “grandfather’s land”. Participants’ narratives told of resilience resulting from negotiation with the environment and the importance of regaining one’s identity and hopes to heal in the face of adversity.

The findings cannot be generalized to all mine action program recipients but have salience for rural households in the site of inquiry.

The paper is rare in illustrating the social benefits of post-conflict demining and its links with social capital and collective resilience.

This study is a systematic literature review of the application of artificial intelligence (AI) in safety-critical systems. The authors aim to present the current application status according to different AI techniques and propose some research directions and insights to promote its wider application.

A total of 92 articles were selected for this review through a systematic literature review along with a thematic analysis.

The literature is divided into three themes: interpretable method, explain model behavior and reinforcement of safe learning. Among AI techniques, the most widely used are Bayesian networks (BNs) and deep neural networks. In addition, given the huge potential in this field, four future research directions were also proposed.

This study is of vital interest to industry practitioners and regulators in safety-critical domain, as it provided a clear picture of the current status and pointed out that some AI techniques have great application potential. For those that are inherently appropriate for use in safety-critical systems, regulators can conduct in-depth studies to validate and encourage their use in the industry.

This is the first review of the application of AI in safety-critical systems in the literature. It marks the first step toward advancing AI in safety-critical domain. The paper has potential values to promote the use of the term “safety-critical” and to improve the phenomenon of literature fragmentation.

This purpose of this study is to examine research performance of Iraqi-Kurdistan universities, using the number of papers appearing in journals and proceedings, and the number of citations received by those papers as covered by Scopus, 1970-2012. This study also identifies subject coverage (domain/field) of publications and determines the preference of research communication channel within the research community?

A total of 459 papers published by Iraqi-Kurdistan universities and indexed by Scopus during the given time period were considered. The source items (i.e. records of publications by the faculty members of the Iraqi-Kurdistan universities) were all the documents published in international journals and proceedings indexed by Scopus (an Elsevier bibliographic database) from the time period ranging from 1970 to 2012. All papers having an authorship or a co-authorship associated with the Iraqi-Kurdistan universities were included and the number of citations received by them was counted for the period.

The study found that major journals used by Iraqi-Kurdistan universities were Eastern Mediterranean Health Journal, Journal of Chinese Clinical Medicine, Asian Journal of Chemistry, Hemoglobin and Journal of Applied Sciences Research. Additionally, three older institutions (Salahaddin University-Hawler, University of Sulaimani and University of Duhok) were the most productive universities. Moreover, the study revealed that 237 of 459 (52 per cent) of publications have international collaborations. It is further evident that among the 459 publications, 211 (40 per cent) have been cited 1,020 times; while 248 (60 per cent) of the papers have not been cited even once, so about 60 per cent of the papers were invisible to world science during the study period. This study also noted that the 25 highly cited papers were cited 484 times, representing 47 per cent of all the citations (484 of 1,020). This indicated a concentration effect, whereby a relatively small number of papers earn most of the citations and research impact generated by the faculty members of Iraqi-Kurdistan universities.

This is the first scientometric research to analyse Iraqi-Kurdistan universities’ scientific productivity.

What are the causes and consequences of Turkey’s intervention in Syria? The purpose of this paper is to explore this question by focusing on the time frame from 2011 to 2016, i.e. prior to Turkey’s strategic U-turn from uncompromising enmity toward Russia and Iran.

Process tracing is used as the main methodological guideline.

Turkey’s intervention in Syria has been driven by a mutually reinforcing interaction of geopolitical, geo-economic and geo-cultural factors. Turkey’s neo-Ottomanist geo-strategy has been militarized in the context of the Arab Spring, perceived decline of US hegemony, increasing Kurdish autonomy and Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi’s (AKP) electoral setbacks. Second, Turkey’s intervention has been triggered by the converging motivations for energy security, easily gained profits from the black energy market and economic integration with Arab-Gulf countries in the face of a stagnating Western capitalism. A third set of factors speaks to the AKP’s instrumental use of Sunni sectarianism and Kurdish ethnopolitics.

The research aim is to provide a systematic and multi-causal explanation of Turkey’s involvement in Syria.