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India and Iran historically share centuries-old strong socio-cultural and trade relations since ancient times. The chapter explores emerging opportunities and challenges in trade and investment in the present era. While Iran is one of the leading producers and exporters of oil, India, a major market for hydrocarbons, is heavily dependent on imports to meet its domestic requirements. This offers trade complementarities between the two countries as India is a secure market for Iran’s oil whereas Iran facilitates India to decrease its over-dependence for oil on Saudi Arabia. This chapter discusses the mutually beneficial trade relationship as well as potential for further deepening the existing economic ties between these two ancient civilizations that could offer a win-win situation for both countries.

This study aims to examine the methods of converting the threats caused by sanctions on Iran’s petrochemical industry to economic opportunities and investigating the growth rate of Iran’s petrochemical industry during sanctions.

The present research was descriptive-exploratory and the research method was based on a mixed research strategy. In the qualitative part, two methods of content analysis and semistructured interview were used and in the quantitative part, the survey method was used. The participants of the qualitative part were the content of all related published researches that have been published in the past 20 years and to conduct a semistructured interview with experts that were selected by nonprobability sampling method. In the quantitative part, the statistical population, there were including managers, supervisors and experts active in the Iran’s petrochemical industry (especially in Asaluyeh area of Iran), the sampling method was nonprobability of the type available.

The findings of the research showed that the potential risks resulting from the sanctions on Iran’s petrochemical industry from the review of the selected researches include 5 main risks (marketing, financial, supply and procurement, technological and production) and 26 related subrisks. Also, the ranking of the mentioned risks showed that among the main risks, the highest rank is related to the financial risk and among the subrisks, the increase in transaction costs and disruption in the implementation of contractual obligations have the highest rank.

The investigation of the growth rate of Iran’s petrochemical industry during the sanctions in terms of performance (production, export and foreign exchange) showed that the amount of production has gone through a growing trend during the period under review (it has grown by more than 68%). Also, the amount of exports in the investigated time period has been growing (it has grown by more than 70%) and finally, the amount of foreign exchange in this time period has experienced growth (more than 58% growth).

Introducing and examining methods of turning threats into economic opportunities in Iran’s petrochemical industry under the shadow of sanctions, which can be used in other active industries under sanctions in the energy field.

Iran’s potential to expand its natural gas exports has received a great deal of attention since Hassan Rouhani’s election in 2013. Rouhani’s presidency centered around adopting a foreign policy approach to actively promote a constructive engagement and dialogue with the West, as well as seriously pursuing diplomatic and prudent interactions with Iran’s immediate neighbors and beyond on an equal footing with a view toward advancing mutual accommodation, respect, and shared interests. This chapter’s central argument is that Iran’s ability to export natural gas to Europe depends largely upon maintaining stable and strong trade ties with Turkey. The cooperation between these two countries, despite competition and occasional frictions, could arguably foster a balance of power at middle-power level countries that will be necessary for an enduring stability in the region.

The tumultuous relations between the Islamic Republic of Iran and the West, in particular the United States, since the 1979 revolution is climaxing in the dispute over Iran’s nuclear development. However, if as expected, a settlement is reached, mainly by Iran backing down, an important question would loom on the horizon: Can the West, and principally Washington, live happily and peacefully with a theocracy that is ideologically radical in character and anti-American in orientation? This essay deals with that question and explores pathways that may lead to some answers. In so doing it will point out the root causes of the hostility of the clerical establishment towards the United States and why despite various attempts and strong incentives a thaw in relations has eluded both capitals. Significant internal and external factors will be highlighted in this regard and how they may perceivably give (or not give) way to the resumption of diplomatic ties between Iran and the United States will be investigated.

Since the election of June 2009, the Islamic Republic of Iran has witnessed a huge crisis with the outburst of street protests and demonstrations, challenging its validity. Indeed, it has been so intense that it has shaken the whole Islamic Republic for the first time since the 1979 Iranian revolution. What has happened since the disputed election was an upheaval few had anticipated, an opening of Pandora's box, with millions daring to question the, Velayate Fagih, the most important constituent of the Islamic Republic. This postelection period has created a “revolutionary”’ potential that has so far been met with repressive force and violence on the part of the ruling elites leaving no leverage for compromise. Of course, in the 30 years since the revolution, the Islamic Republic's power structures have faced factionalism. These recent developments demonstrate how deeply rooted run the contradictions and differences between the various groups. This upheaval has thrown all sorts of questions into the air: could Iran remain as a Republic? Or would Iran turn into a God's Kingdom, ever more dictatorial in its approach? Or would the splits within the ruling elites continue to crack the fabric of the regime? Will there be a similar schism to that which took place during the Constitutional Revolution in the early 20th century when a leading member of the clergy, Noori, was finally hanged in July 1909 for being openly against reform? Finally, what is the possibility of change beyond the Islamic Republic in Iran?

This chapter traces the history of animosity between the United States and Iran that characterizes the current relationship between the two countries which were once close diplomatic, economic, and political allies. The chapter identifies the various cultural, economic, and political factors that have contributed to the hostility between these two countries and focuses particularly on the UN and US sanctions that have been imposed on Iran because of its overt and covert nuclear programs. The chapter concludes with a discussion on how the lifting of sanctions might allow the United States and Iran to rebuild a strategic partnership.

Online feminist activism has opened a different path for ordinary Iranians who are not necessarily versed in post-revolutionary discourses on feminism and political activism, nor are familiar with the names and past achievements of Iranian women’s activist pioneers since the birth of the Islamic Republic in 1979. Social media has helped to tease apart government statecraft that continually touts and reemphasizes Islamic values, at the same time providing a platform for a feminist consciousness that more recently has passionately supported individual rights, especially the right to privacy. This chapter delves into this move toward a more individualized form of dissent, surveying the generational, ideological, and technological divides that have emerged among Iranian women’s activists following popular uprisings that have been happening domestically since 2009.