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This study aims to highlight the dimensions of the rivalry over the regional role between two regional powers in the Middle East, and the impact of local, regional and international pressures of the Syrian crisis on the role performance of the competing forces.

The study is based on using “the role approach” as an analytical frame to benefit by the application of the theory of role. This approach allows the possibility of linking various analytical levels, both in clarifying the relationship between internal and external factors and showing the interaction between elements of perception, abilities and behavior.

The international pressures shall remain governing the frame of competition among the roles of the regional powers, through determining the course of competition and its direct impact on its results.

This study examines the phenomenon of regional rivalry between two distinct and competing regional powers, in a turbulent environment in the wake of the Arab Spring crises, which created opportunities and challenges for regional powers, especially in Syria, where it intersected with the interests and policies of major and regional powers.

The escalation of Turkish intervention in Arab internal affairs before and after the revolutions of the Arab Spring, particularly the military intervention. Sometimes Ankara threatens with military intervention and sometimes establishes large military bases in Arab countries: Qatar, Somalia and Iraq. Moreover, it carries out extensive military operations within the borders of some Arab countries such as Iraq and Syria. This type of behavior requires a study that takes into consideration the reasons of such behavior and future implications on the relations between the Arab and Turkish parties.

The theoretical framework of the study will follow neorealism, as the basis for understanding Turkish pragmatic foreign policy adopted in managing its international relations and interests with various countries.

The situation in Afrin after a year of Turkish occupation confirms this. Erdogan may not go ahead with a new military operation in east Euphrates and northern Syria. He may prefer instead he may deem it better to control the safe area in the north through the revival of the agreement of Adana of 1998. However, Turkey's desire to control northern Syria, which represents a quarter of the country, faces tough resistance of Turkish groups, Russian-Syrian rejection and European-American resentment. Control of the Syrian north may be subject to concessions and consensus among these powers without excluding any of them.

States in the international system, such as companies in the local economy, have the same main interest: that’s survival. It is worth noting that Waltz’s neorealistic theory cannot be applied to domestic national politics. It cannot contribute to the development of state policies relating to its international and internal affairs. His theory only helps to explain the reason behind the similar behavior of countries despite having different forms of governments and diversity of political ideologies. It also explains why the comprehensive international relations have not changed despite the growing decentralization of these countries.

How does neorealism explain Turkish military intervention in Syria since 2016?

The purpose of this study is to cover the change that happened in the American foreign policy toward Iran by changing the American leadership from Obama to Trump. In addition to its coverage for the Iranian foreign policy toward the Arab region during the presidency period of Obama in the USA and also during the presidency period of Trump, to discover whether a change has happened in the Iranian foreign policy toward the Arab region is a result of the change in the American foreign policy or not. This can be discovered by concentrating on Yemen, Syria and Iraq, taking into consideration the Iranian and American national interests in the Arab region, as well as the regional role of Iran and its intervention in the Arab region.

This study was based on the analytical method of the foreign policy that is based on analyzing facts and events, as well as analyzing the roles and interests within the framework of the states’ foreign policy. This method was used in the study for the purpose of analyzing the impact of the change in the American leadership from Obama to Trump on the US foreign policy toward Iran in the light of the American interest; in addition to the Iranian foreign policy toward the Arab region (Yemen, Syria and Iraq) in the presidency period of both Obama and Trump in light of the regional role of Iran and its passion to achieve its national interest.

The study concluded that the change in the American foreign policy toward Iran is a result of the change of the American leadership from Obama to Trump by the American interest requirements in accordance to the respective of both of them. The change in the American policy led to a change in the trends of the Iranian foreign policy toward the Arab region in the term of the regional Iranian role. Under the American and Iranian convergence in the period of Obama, the Iranian role in the Arab region was limited to what could achieve its national interest and what did not threaten the American interest, especially after Iran had guaranteed that the USA is by its side. In the framework of the American and Iranian confrontation under Trump’s current presidency, the Iranian role has expanded in the Arab region, where Iran has intensified its intervention in Yemen, Syria and Iraq politically and militarily. Iran became more threatening to the American interest, as it became a means of pressure to the USA under Trump’s ruling in the purpose of changing its position toward it.

The importance of the study stems from the fact that it is seeking to analyze the change of the American foreign policy toward Iran within the period of two different presidential years of Obama and Trump, whereas, their trends were different in dealing with Iran between rapprochement and hostility toward it, on the basis of the American interest. In addition to testing whether this change in the American foreign policy toward Iran has been accompanied by a change in the Iranian foreign policy toward the Arab region.

Sexual harassment is a pervasive and damaging issue that affects the physical and mental health and well-being of employees in the workplace. It is a serious public health concern that requires urgent attention and action and very dangerous problem in management. Our studies have shown that women are more likely to be the victims of sexual harassment and are more dissatisfied with the situation, organizations have a moral and legal obligation to take proactive measures to prevent and address sexual harassment, including implementing effective policies, providing employee training and fostering a culture of respect and accountability. By doing so, we can create safer, healthier and more productive work environments for all the employees.

This study consisted of 344 individuals from the Syrian community who completed a questionnaire, that contained statements about harassment to gauge each gender’s perception and sensitivity toward it. The questionnaire was carefully designed to include 30 questions, including daily situations in the work environment that may occur and how they are classified by males and females. Is it harassment or not, and about the HR department have personal safety and security standards such as the code of conduct and the rules regulating these behaviors or not and our research project was a collaboration between the two nongovernmental organizations (NGOs): Stemosis and Institute of Human Resources Management (IHRM).

Our research reveals a distinction between the thinking patterns and coping mechanisms of females and males when it comes to dealing with this phenomenon. We presented various scenarios to our respondents, depicting situations that an individual might face in their everyday life and asked them questions related to the definition of harassment, its root causes and strategies for addressing it. Research has shown that women are at a higher risk of experiencing feelings of fear and dissatisfaction when subjected to sexual harassment. This unfortunate reality highlights the need for greater awareness and action to combat such reprehensible behaviors. Save Women!

The study faced several limitations in collecting data due to the sensitive and shameful nature of the topic for both men and women in the Syrian Arab Republic. This caused embarrassment for some participants, leading to their unwillingness to participate in the research. Additionally, the study encountered difficulties in dealing with companies, as they did not accept exposure to such situations and failed to show any codes of conduct under the name of their company, and the participants did not consider certain factors as reasons for harassment. Specifically, 71.2% of participants did not consider inappropriate outfits as a reason for harassment. However, there was a significant difference between the opinions of men and women on this matter (p-value < 0.05). Additionally, political, social and psychological reactions were not considered a reason for harassment by 64.8% of participants.

In our study, there was a situation that one of the respondents (male) was exposed to by the HR manager (female) who was pretending to be a professional, after he confronted her, she threatened him with expulsion from work and despite his annoyance, he ignored her because it was pointless to talk with her and during the study, (44.7%) of the participants had experienced sexual harassment.

Victims of sexual harassment experience a similar condition to post-traumatic stress disorder, which can lead to many mental and psychological issues. The overall organizational environment plays a critical role in the well-being of employees. It is widely accepted that victims of violence suffer from a lack of well-being. Employee well-being is based on feelings of happiness and satisfaction that come from a sense of security. According to the Maslow’s theory of needs, security is fundamental to people and a toxic workplace environment can destroy an individual’s sense of security, negatively impacting their well-being In Syria.

In Syria, society is considered closed about sexual issues and considers it a sensitive issue despite its presence and spread in work environments, as the results showed, and this is one of the challenges we face. Therefore, our study is the first in Syria and the largest that sheds light on this phenomenon clearly, strongly, deeply and directly.

Housing interventions carried out in accordance with current regulations in the Old City of Aleppo, both before and after the Syrian war, are minor in comparison to those carried out without a license and illegally. This suggests current policies are inadequate and needs upgrading.

This article critically reviews current Syrian policies and their implementation on residential heritage in the Old City of Aleppo with the aim to identify gaps and propose directions for modifications. Next to a review of the text of official policies and implementation documents, the archive of the Directorate of the Old City has been consulted and license applications, presented in the period 2018–2022, have been examined. Moreover, interviews with decision-makers from academics and practice were conducted.

Major limitations of these policies and relative application procedures have been identified: these involve: legal/administrative, economic and social aspects.

The specific needs have been highlighted and some proposals for improvement made.

Social networks (SNs) have recently evolved from a means of connecting people to becoming a tool for social engineering, radicalization, dissemination of propaganda and recruitment of terrorists. It is no secret that the majority of the Islamic State in Iraq and Syria (ISIS) members are Arabic speakers, and even the non-Arabs adopt Arabic nicknames. However, the majority of the literature researching the subject deals with non-Arabic languages. Moreover, the features involved in identifying radical Islamic content are shallow and the search or classification terms are common in daily chatter among people of the region. The authors aim at distinguishing normal conversation, influenced by the role religion plays in daily life, from terror-related content.

This article presents the authors' experience and the results of collecting, analyzing and classifying Twitter data from affiliated members of ISIS, as well as sympathizers. The authors used artificial intelligence (AI) and machine learning classification algorithms to categorize the tweets, as terror-related, generic religious, and unrelated.

The authors report the classification accuracy of the K-nearest neighbor (KNN), Bernoulli Naive Bayes (BNN) and support vector machine (SVM) [one-against-all (OAA) and all-against-all (AAA)] algorithms. The authors achieved a high classification F1 score of 83\%. The work in this paper will hopefully aid more accurate classification of radical content.

In this paper, the authors have collected and analyzed thousands of tweets advocating and promoting ISIS. The authors have identified many common markers and keywords characteristic of ISIS rhetoric. Moreover, the authors have applied text processing and AI machine learning techniques to classify the tweets into one of three categories: terror-related, non-terror political chatter and news and unrelated data-polluting tweets.

Our paper studies a central issue with a long history in economics: the relationship between population and economic growth. We analyze the joint dynamics of economic and demographic growth in 111 countries during the period 1960–2019.

Using the concept of economic regime, the paper introduces the notion of distance between the dynamical paths of different countries. Then, a minimal spanning tree (MST) and a hierarchical tree (HT) are constructed to detect groups of countries sharing similar dynamic performance.

The methodology confirms the existence of three country clubs, each of which exhibits a different dynamic behavior pattern. The analysis also shows that the clusters clearly differ with respect to the evolution of other fundamental variables not previously considered [gross domestic product (GDP) per capita, human capital and life expectancy, among others].

Our results indirectly suggest the existence of dynamic interdependence in the trajectories of economic growth and population change between countries. It also provides evidence against single-model approaches to explain the interdependence between demographic change and economic growth.

We introduce a methodology that allows for a model-free topological and hierarchical description of the interplay between economic growth and population.

This study aims to estimate the impact of refugee inflows on host countries’ entrepreneurial rates. The refugee crisis led to an increased scientific and public policy interest in the impact of refugee inflows on host countries. One important perspective of such an impact, which is still underexplored, is the impact of refugee inflows on host countries entrepreneurial rates. Given the high number of refugees that flow to some countries, it would be valuable to assess the extent to which such countries are likely to reap the benefits from increasing refugee inflows in terms of (native and non-native) entrepreneurial talent enhancement.

Resorting to dynamic (two-step system generalized method of moments) panel data estimations, based on 186 countries over the period between 2000 and 2019, this study estimates the impact of refugee inflows on host countries’ entrepreneurial rates, measured by the total early-stage entrepreneurial activity (TEA) rate and the self-employment rate.

In general, higher refugee inflows are associated with lower host countries’ TEA rates. However, refugee inflows significantly foster self-employment rates of “medium-high” and “high” income host countries and host countries located in Africa. These results suggest that refugee inflows tend to enhance “necessity” related new ventures and/ or new ventures (from native and non-native population) operating in low value-added, low profit sectors.

This study constitutes a novel empirical contribution by providing a macroeconomic, quantitative assessment of the impact of refugee from distinct nationalities on a diverse set of host countries' entrepreneurship rates in the past two decades resorting to dynamic panel data models, which enable to address the heterogeneity of the countries and deal with the endogeneity of the variables of the model.

From 1979 to 2023, the takaful structure has been adopted in many jurisdictions, making the documenting of its early days of establishment relatively difficult and somewhat unreliable. This is unlike conventional insurance, where the history and legislation are well documented and archived in various research (Hellwege, 2016; Marano and Siri, 2017). The purpose of this paper is to provide a chronology for the establishment and development of takaful via the takaful establishment in each jurisdiction, documenting its first takaful operator and first takaful regulation.

This paper has used a qualitative method in the form of reviewing literature and available data such as journals, books and official resources. The data is thoroughly analysed in order to build the chronology for takaful. It adopted an exploratory research design, which is deemed suitable in situations where few works of literature have examined the subject (Neuman, 2014). The paper explores the establishment and non-establishment of takaful in 57 countries. The paper categorises the countries into seven regions starting with the GCC, Levant, Asia, Central Asia, Africa, Europe and Others.

The takaful chronology presented in this paper shows that takaful operations exist in 47 jurisdictions, starting from Sudan and the UAE in 1979, with the most recent adopters being Morocco and Iran in December 2021. It is found that 22 jurisdictions do not have takaful regulations, and the Takaful Act 1984, issued in Malaysia, is considered the first takaful regulation that sets the basis for other regulations that follow.

The paper contributes to the literature by providing a comprehensive chronology of takaful, especially as the few existing timelines have been found to be incomplete and consist of contradictory information.

This paper aims at contributing to our understanding of how self-settled Syrian refugees (registered and non-registered) use informal practices to forge their non-political agency and how this agency could be considered as political acts.

This paper was conducted per the qualitative data analysis (in-depth interviews and participant observation), attributed to the critical ethnographic approach, through which refugees’ everyday struggle is explored, additionally, that was incorporated with the analysis of Syrians’ Facebook groups and formal sources.

The research paper concluded that everyday struggle strategies are considered as political acts by acquiring rights that many self-settled Syrian refugees are stripped of by international humanitarian agencies and host government. Hence, registered and unregistered refugees equally forge what is called “informal citizenship” through their presence via a blend of agency forms ranging from hidden agency to explicit one and via their incorporating into the informal contexts, leading them to carve a position of semi-legality that help them to circumvent the formal structural hardship.

This paper endeavors to study how urban refugees as change agents can convert their illegal presence to “probably refugeeness” to unsettle the prominent recognition of them as illegal non-citizens in southern cities.