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This paper aims to shed light on the Egyptian socio-economic and political conditions seven years post the 2011 revolution.

The authors depended on secondary data and information gathered from scholars and from domestic and international institutions as well. Additionally, the authors distributed 390 Likert-scale questionnaires among respondents to test their perceptions regarding the safety, social, political and economic conditions in Egypt seven years post the 2011 revolution.

The research findings confirmed that there was an agreement among participants that the safety conditions in Egypt improved during the past seven years post the 2011 revolution, and there was a general agreement among participants that the political conditions in Egypt became more stable lately. The economic and social cost presents a challenging status to the current decision maker.

Finally, authors came up with recommendations aiming to find solutions for certain economic and political problematic issues. The main research limitation is that the representative sample was confined only to the two main governorates in Egypt: Cairo and Giza.

Finally, the study is of a value, as it could be considered a road map to policy makers. Moreover, the findings provide a set of policies for governments to undertake tenable actions to accelerate development and economic growth.

The purpose of this paper is to examine the various episodes in the Malaysian auditing saga, covering the period of the first 40 years post‐independence in 1957 to just before the onset of the Asian Financial Crisis in 1997.

Based on documentary analysis, the paper offers a historical account of the development of the auditing profession with reference to the dynamic changes in its political and socio‐economic environment.

The paper concludes that the function of auditing in Malaysian society responded to political‐economic pressures over time viz. changing from maintaining the economic policy to serve Western investors to accommodating ethnic relations, and to strengthening the bond between local and global corporate elites and the political leaders.

Since, little is known of the professionalisation process in Malaysia, our analysis of the structural conditions during the 40 years from the achievement of independence from the British in 1957 to just before the onset of the Asian Financial Crisis in 1997 and our assessment of their implications for auditing contributes to knowledge in this area.

Was the October Revolution inevitable? If yes, what was its real character? If not, could it have been avoided or taken a different course? What was the role played in it by Lenin? Using the dialectical method of analysis, an attempt is made to provide answers to these questions. The following points are stressed: (1) Given the general and particular conditions of Russian life created by the First World War and the February Revolution, the break with the old democratic mixed capitalist form and the establishment of the new totalitarian state capitalist form of the social development were inevitable. (2) The fact that this process was headed by Lenin was accidental and, hence, avoidable. (3) But Lenin individualised the general and particular features of the October Revolution in terms of the names of the events associated with the revolution, of the time of its occurrence, of its participants and of their positions during and after the revolution.

The paper explores the historical evolution of employee voice in Namibia from an employment relations (ER) perspective and in the context of institutional factors such as labour legislation, trade union strategies, company policies and governmental regulations. The first part of the paper provides a brief outline of ER conceptions of voice that are manifest in the recent resurgence of interest in the topic. The next part traces the historical evolution of labour regulation and employee voice in Namibia. It is shown that, in the absence of collective voice and statutory protections, informal voice and occupational solidarity were the primary means of defence available to black workers against oppressive conditions. In the final part, an outline of some key features of employee voice in contemporary Namibia is provided. The analysis shows that systems of employee voice are fundamentally a manifestation of the balance of powers at a particular time and place. It is therefore crucial to link voice preferences and behaviours in the workplace to specific preconditions and to highlight the limiting factors that serve to constrain choice.

This chapter examines the connections between race and class divisions and examines how they shape racial inequities in the distribution of resources, power and privilege. Throughout history, racial identity has been a key factor in determining a person's position in modern capitalist societies. As such, issues of race and class have preoccupied sociologists and other scholars with diverse ideological orientations. This is highlighted in debates around the nexus of race and class in the production of racial structures, laws and institutions that legitimate and perpetuate the normalisation and centrality of whiteness. This chapter summarises some of the historical and ongoing debates, providing a synthesis of how race and class divisions continue to shape contemporary intergroup relations and social policy. It delves into racial capitalism and how race intersects with other social identities to determine socio-economic hierarchy in many western countries.

The purpose of this paper is to focus on “brain drain,” or emigration of educated and skilled individuals to the USA from one Southwest Asian nation, Iran, which has experienced fundamental social changes since the early 1970s. The author examines the profile of the educated Iranian emigrants particularly in the last two decades, internal and external socio‐economic and political forces and processes that have facilitated emigration, and costs and benefits for both sending and receiving countries.

Building on earlier world‐system and dependency theories the author traces the roots of center‐periphery relations that have triggered emigration, and applies David Harvey's analysis of the new phase of globalization (post‐Fordist flexible production) to distinguish the emigration dynamics of Iran's educated individuals during the 1950‐1980 period from those of the last three decades (since the 1979 Iranian revolution).

The findings indicate that while in the former period (1950‐1980) educated Iranians emigrated to further their education and sharpen their skills as sojourners, with the expectation that they will return to Iran and serve their nation, emigrants in the latter period (1980‐present) are guided by a new culture of the post‐Fordist globalization phase that thrives on the mobility of a highly skilled and educated global labour force that can be promptly and efficiently utilized wherever there is a demand. Similar to some other nationalities, the post‐Fordist educated Iranian emigrants are no longer constrained by the nationalist sentiments of the previous period. Rather, they have developed an “internationalist national identity” that allows them to respond to the demands of a global market while still maintaining their Iranian cultural identity.

This is an original research based on documentation and personal interviews of a non‐random sample of Iranian students at the University of Iowa.

Following the issuance of the Renewable Energy Directive in 2009, the European Union (EU) is explicitly pushing for member states to cooperate with third countries to meet their EU 2020 targets. So far, no single joint project is planned or in place yet. This paper aims to look at the opportunities for and barriers to possible RE exports from North Africa into the EU through the concept of a SWOT (strengths, weaknesses, opportunities and threats) analysis.

Thus, the SWOT for a possible implementation of Article 9 projects are analyzed using expert and stakeholder knowledge. A qualitative assessment was undertaken using data collected through one stakeholder workshop in North Africa, in-depth interviews and a qualitative literature review. The analysis was structured within a three-tier analyzing concept distinguishing between macro, micro and acceptance parameters.

From the SWOT analysis, some lessons are drawn, future possible measures are identified and conclusions for policymakers are discussed. The authors find that no easy solutions exist as most parameters can be both a strength and a weakness or a threat and an opportunity at the same time depending on future developments and the specific ideological perspective.

This paper provides new information and analysis of renewable energy sources projects in North Africa – application of the SWOT method on Article 9 cooperation projects – application of a three-tier analysis to cope with the complexity of the topic – taking into account often neglected socio-political aspects such as public acceptance.

How can we account for patterns of mobilization undertaken by ethnic movements? What leads ethnic collectives to shift between mobilization strategies? Addressing the general lack of attention in the ethnic conflict literature to the diverse political strategies employed by ethnic minorities – particularly those in democratic and semi-democratic contexts, this chapter accounts for mobilization as developing along an institutional spectrum of ethnic contention. I argue that the internal dynamics of ethnic movements shape patterns of mobilization. Utilizing literature from new institutionalism and employing the approach advanced by the study of contentious politics, ethnic movements are theorized as developing through the interplay of three causal mechanisms, which combine to form processes of institutionalization and deinstitutionalization. The process of deinstitutionalization is explored through the case of the mobilization of the Palestinian citizens of Israel, tracing the development of the three causal mechanisms and their influence on the collective’s mobilization pattern. The chapter concludes by considering the range of movements that can be explored along the institutional spectrum.

We consider Brazilian society as a case and evidence for a noteworthy transformation — albeit not unique to Brazil — toward gender equality that has resulted from an evolving interplay of transforming gender relations and women’s participation in feminist as well as in a wide range of other organizations and social movements, enabled by national as well as global contexts. We claim that the transformations of gender and feminisms in Brazil in the last four decades have been intertwined and closely linked to changes in socio-economic structures and political regimes. Gender equality processes advancing institutional, economic, social, and cultural changes have unequivocally resulted from women’s active role in the social and political movements engaged in fighting the military regime in the 1970s, in the transition to democracy in the 1980s (which we call the second wave), and in the democratization of the country in the 1990s (the third wave), as well as from the ongoing processes of growing institutionalization and policymaking (the fourth wave). Throughout the last four decades, feminism has increasingly spread horizontally, creating “horizontal fluxes of feminism,” or, in other words, a perspective that highlights the continuity of gender discrimination, but goes beyond that to equally value the principle of non-discrimination based on race, ethnicity, generation, nationality, class or religion, among others. In fact, we argue that this is a case of increasingly “intersectional feminism.”

Conflict resolution and peace building has acquired much significance in the last few years (Siddiqi, 2003).