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This is a lesson set, or mini-unit, for students in grades 7 – 9 focused on the concept of revolutions. It follows a learning cycle format. This lesson set takes approximately four to five days to teach.

Industry 4.0 is a term for the so-called Fourth Industrial revolutions. It is the technological integration of cyber-physical systems (CPS) in the process of production. CPS enables internet-based process networking with all participants in the process of value creation. The industrial revolution is actually changing how we live, work and communicate. Many trades have highly been affected by 4IR, libraries are one of them. The libraries of twenty-first century are shifting their paradigms from traditional setup to modern information networking. As people and machines are connecting to each other at enormous speed, artificial intelligence, mobile computing, machine learning and automation of every trade have become a need of the day. Automation and artificial intelligence are change agents in 4IR that will make certain groups of employees redundant, replacing them with new workers with the needed skills or with machines that do the job cheaper. This paper aims to shed light on how the 4IR will “shape the future of education, gender, work and library services”. The purpose of this paper is to highlight the challenges being faced by the library and librarians in the age of Industrial 4.0 revolution in contemporary society. The purpose of this study is to review the past literature on Industrial Revolutions 4.0 in education and interlink them with Library services.

The current study performs a systematic and content-centric review of literature relevant to library services. The literature of this study is based on a six-stage approach to identify the design principles and technology trends of 4IR in education and Library services.

Industry 4.0 Revolution is the current trend of revolutionary technology, which has affected many services in this age of globalization. Similar, Library services have highly been affected by 4IR. An effort has been made to highlight the vari-ous challenges being faced by libraries and librarians in this age of information. Some solutions have been presented to the library professionals to overcome this technology to boost its services up to the entire satisfaction of the patrons.

The strategic approach in this study can serve the academicians and practitioners in the field of librarianship as a stepping stone to develop a successful transition from traditional manufacturing into the industry 4.0.

The study is among the first to identify the challenges being faced by libraries and librarians in this age of Industrial revolutions.

The Libraries are in an era where changes come with high speed and much intense issues, and this seems to be as a result of the 4th industrial revolution. These emerging issues come in the form of changes that are not supposed to be overlooked by the library managers. These are changes libraries and Librarians have to be knowledgeable about. This chapter will address the impact, issues, challenges and controversies, prospects and how libraries should adapt, embrace and redesign their services, spaces and roles to accommodate this change on the Libraries. Existing research in the 4th Industrial revolution tends to focus on the challenges without much prospects and little or no evidence that researchers have approached how the libraries should accommodate and harness this revolutionary changes for improved library services provision. Therefore, this chapter aims to provide how the 4th industrial revolution affects the library and how libraries can harness the industrial revolution for enhanced services provision.

The aim of this chapter is to compare the content of two essays: Oskar Lange's 1931 ‘Crisis of Socialism’ and Tadeusz Kowalik's 1996 ‘August – the Bourgeois Revolution of the Epigones’ in order to try to determine the extent to which Lange's paper influenced Kowalik's ideas. We find that Lange's article was possibly Kowalik's only source of theoretical knowledge about bourgeois revolutions and their course when he wrote his 1996 piece. What probably struck Kowalik most in ‘Crisis of Socialism’ in the context of Polish transformations was the similarity (real or apparent) between the situation in Poland in 1905–1918 and that in 1980–1989 (or even 1980–1992), that is, the possibility of constructing a ‘bourgeois class state’ only through a workers revolution immediately preceding such a construction. On the basis of this analogy, in ‘August…’ Kowalik, as we argue, introduced a novelty into his reflections: he fortified his earlier, more lax analyses with the concept of ‘bourgeois revolution.’

There are a number of reasons for thinking that the pursuit of change through revolution is fundamentally flawed. Indeed, after over two centuries of debate, Burkean conservatives seem to have won the argument. They have made a strong case against revolutionary change by demonstrating how it has regularly produced some of the worst atrocities we have known. They point out that despite the fact that revolutionary movements have often been the repositories of some of our highest aspirations, their unintended consequences have produced enormous human suffering. And they show how the pursuit of gradual change in some countries brought about the very same goals to which revolutionaries aspired in others, but with far less bloodshed and suffering.

But are the conservatives right? In this article, I consider various problems with their argument. One of the biggest is that the gradual changes they admire were closely entwined with the revolutions they deplore. Not only did revolutions provide incrementalists with a kind of compass that set the direction of change, but they also induced fear in powerful elites: fear that gave these elites an incentive to accept incremental changes they would otherwise have resisted. Indeed, because of these kinds of effects, countries that are usually seen as paradigm examples of the virtues of conservative change may have ultimately been among the major beneficiaries of revolution. In short, there is a good case for arguing that modern conservatism has been free riding on revolution.

Commenting on the Mexican Revolution in 1938, Trotsky argued that the country might achieve “national independence,” understood as a break with dependency relations. Whether this might occur depended – Trotsky continued – on “international factors.” Though not engaging with Mexico, Antonio Gramsci made a similar theoretical point. It is hence from this perspective that this chapter analyses the Mexican Revolution, asking whether it led to a break in dependency relations and the attainment of “national independence” or what I refer to as “relative geopolitical autonomy.” Presenting a framework of analysis largely based on the work of Gramsci that highlights its continuity with the thought of Marx, the chapter will answer negatively to this question. The chapter starts from the idea that Porfirio Díaz’s regime was unable to adapt the economic structure (still pre-capitalist) to the complex superstructures (capitalist), that is, to realize an historic bloc. It would be this job that the emergent Mexican bourgeoisie sought to finish. However, the situation is complicated by the powerful emergence of social movements from below, constituted largely by landless peasants, and to a lesser extent, the industrial proletariat. I will therefore argue that the revolution has been both “passive” and “bounded.” The term passive revolution will be applied to the last phase of the revolution as the emerging bourgeoisie successfully coopted the demands of the popular masses thereby “passivizing” them. But crucially, the revolution was also “bounded” because international factors, and especially US influence, played a conditioning role throughout the revolutionary process. At the same time, it would be the very “passive” nature of the revolution that would contribute to the reproduction of relations of dependency. Hence the chapter concludes that the period Trotsky commented upon (the Cárdenas period) is the highest level of “independence” Mexico achieved, only to decrease again over the years.

Three successful uprisings in mid-2003 – in Georgia, Ukraine and Kyrgyzstan – introduced the notion of the ‘colour revolution’, usually understood as an organised unarmed public uprising aimed at replacing a discredited regime with a more democratic government. Careful examination shows that, besides these cases and the overthrow of the Milosevic regime in Yugoslavia in 2000, eight more cases could be added to the list of colour revolutions, making it possible to investigate characteristic features of the phenomenon and to evaluate the trend of failure in attempts at revolution since 2005. In a deviation from classical models, economic grievances are found to have little bearing on public mobilisation for revolutionary causes; external influences, on the other hand, have considerable impact. In the second half of the 2000s, Russia's assertive counter-revolutionary stance prevailed over the United States’ declining capacity and the diminishing gravitation of the EU, so all revolutionary attempts failed, including the April 2009 unrest in Chisinau, Moldova. Analysis of such characteristics of ‘colour revolutions’ as close correlation with elections, non-violent strategies of opposition and implicit connection with ‘frozen conflicts’ despite the absence of any ethno-nationalist agenda makes it possible to arrive at a more precise definition of the phenomenon and to identify several potential revolutionary situations. The economic recession that began in late 2008 will inevitably transform the social context of ‘colour revolutions’, which might become less controllable and more violent.

Building on a proposed four-phase model of the design revolution, I outline an expanded domain to which design ideas may be applied, and offer a design theory that has general application to the expanded design domain. Numerous disciplines within the domain of design, which have been separately developed, are converging through digital devices and software such as computer-aided design programs. I refer to this “Connection” as the first phase of the design revolution. In the second “Expansion” phase of the design revolution, I expect that the domain where principles of design are applied will be expanded beyond the visual to include all five human senses. The design theory that I propose is a logical application of design principles to various disciplines in the second phase of the revolution. In the third “Application” phase of the design revolution, the design theory will be applied not only to conventional objects of design such as products and services, but also to institutions and systems such as governments, firms, and households. Finally, in the fourth “Integration” phase of the revolution, various parts of the world will be integrated into a holistic system under a single design theory.

The Green Revolution was a singular event in world history; because of the Green Revolution, world prices for all crops declined. The agricultural mechanization issue was also driven by intellectual property rights (i.e., the right to patent products), as was the agricultural chemical revolution. The livestock industrialization revolution sharply lowered the prices for all livestock products. The Gene Revolution (i.e., the recombinant DNA revolution) further lowered the cost of producing farm products. The Gene Revolution was based on three events. The first was the discovery that DNA (Delbrook) was the carrier of genetic information. The second was the discovery by Watson and Crick of the double helix structure of DNA. The third was the method of stable insertion of DNA into a host genome (Cohen and Boyer). The future of agricultural research depends on the capacity of countries to invent and imitate.

In this article we shall argue that the Keynesian revolution was a revolution in the sense of Kuhn and that Kuhn's conceptual framework provides a better understanding of the convulsive changes that took place in macro‐economics in the twenties and thirties than alternative growth of knowledge theories that are being discussed in the economics literature at the present time. In the last ten years or so economists have become increasingly interested in the various growth of knowledge theories that have been developed by philosophers of science such as Kuhn, Popper, Lakatos and others. This heightened interest on the part of economists is to be explained by the fact that these new theories are based on the actual behaviour of scientists. The new philosophers of science devote their attention not to “correct scientific method” but to the actual behaviour of scientists. It is because of this revolution in the historiography of science that economists have been able to relate these new theories to their own work and to the development of economic theories in the past.