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One in six people globally are affected by infertility, and many turn to fertility treatment in a bid to have a child(ren). While many countries offer work-related legislative protections and provisions for those who are successful in conceiving a child, in the form of maternity and paternity-related supports and protection again discrimination – the same cannot be said for those struggling to conceive. There are similar inequalities when it comes to workplace policy and support. Drawing on data from our two-year research study on “complex fertility journeys” and employment, this chapter sets out the work-life challenges that arise when individuals find themselves navigating the considerable “reproductive work” of fertility treatment alongside the demands of paid employment, and how affected employees respond. It also touches on the challenges experienced by line managers tasked with offering support. The chapter concludes with implications for practice in terms of making organizations more “fertility friendly,” which should extend beyond support for attending fertility treatment appointments to include awareness raising, manager training, and support for the varied outcomes of treatment cycles, including involuntary childlessness.

Fertility aspirations shape family planning behavior of a couple. Desire to have certain number of children is linked with various micro- and macro-level factors such as individuals’ characteristics, sociocultural contexts and unconscious personal motivations. Fertility aspirations are an important component of fertility decision-making and a major predictor of childbearing. In India, Uttar Pradesh (UP) is the most populated state with historically high levels of fertility rates as compared to national average. This research is a qualitative exploration of the perspectives and practices of women with respect to their fertility aspirations and family planning behavior in an urban setting. A cross-sectional study was conducted between August 2017 and July 2018 among married women and men of the reproductive age group of 17–49 years using qualitative methods. The study was done in Pakbara, a Census Town (has a minimum population of 5,000) in the district of Moradabad, situated in western UP. It was found that along with personal motivations of having a quality life change in objective circumstances has led to changes in the fertility aspirations of the participants, particularly women. Increasing education, more mobility in public spaces, aspirations for a quality life, exposure to mass media and new job opportunities generate revision of parental aspirations. Couples, particularly from middle and upper-middle classes, limit their family size to attain upward social mobility. Couples from lower economic class have realized that rise of household income has not been commensurate with rise in prices. Thus, restricted childbearing is one way to cope with the situation.

The aim of this article is to review the literature on fertility tourism in terms of social policy implications. There has been a global growth in interest in fertility tourism, especially amongst these in developed countries travelling to developing countries for fertility needs. Due to women's increased involvement in the workforce and changing societal norms, the age at which females start having children has risen resulting in a need for many to seek fertility help. These developments have led to a growth in fertility tourism and related services.

The authors undertake a systematic literature review on fertility tourism to identify cognate research themes that relate to social policies such as assisted reproduction facilities, medical tourism and changing societal attitudes.

The findings of the study have important implications for social policy particularly regarding the tourism and health industry, practitioners and policymakers. This involves focussing on new geographic regions that are underrepresented in current research but have a high interest in fertility tourism. Currently much of the research is centred around western contexts but as evident in our review newly emerging markets in countries that have high infertility rates requires further attention. In addition, the authors provide directions for future research avenues that focus on how to evaluate changing social policies with regards to reproductive choices.

Whilst there has been much discussion in the media about fertility tourism there is limited knowledge about social policies related to human reproductive systems, so this article is amongst the first to discuss societal implications.

Many European countries suspended mandatory conscription after the Cold War, and especially between 2000 and 2010. However, with the changing security situation in Europe, more and more countries are considering the re-introduction of the draft. That is why, it is important to evaluate the impact of conscription on draftees, including its effect on fertility outcomes. Additionally, fertility is of particular interest because birth rates have been below replacement levels in most European countries at least in the last two decades. This, combined with the increase in life expectancy, has contributed to aging population and raises concerns about the future economic prospects and sustainability of the continent. Military service could be related to fertility in several ways. Compulsory service for men would affect the marriage market and subsequently child-bearing outcomes. For example, men who serve in the military would have to delay higher education at least by a year, given that they plan to continue their education after high school. One possibility is that this leads to older men meeting younger women if partners meet at college. Alternatively, in case the partners know each other prior to the draft, service could delay marriage by up to a year due to the conscription, postponing planning and having children, and potentially having fewer children as women might be less able or less willing to have a child after a certain age. Finally, some men who plan and would otherwise continue their education might choose to not do so or to further postpone it once they disattach from studying during their service. For some men, this might influence their marital and subsequent fertility outcomes. In either of these scenarios, a draft or its suspension is likely to be connected to fertility.

This study examines the effect of the suspension of the draft in Spain in December 2001 on three fertility outcomes of men that would have been drafted in the absence of the suspension. The author performs the analysis in a difference-in-differences framework. Potential concerns and policy implications are also discussed.

The findings suggest that after the suspension of the draft, individuals started to have their first child earlier given that they decide to have children. Consistent with the overall time trend, they became less likely to have a child and started to have fewer children. However, the age at birth of the first child decreased while the number of children and the likelihood of having a child increased for men relative to women, after compared to before the suspension of the mandatory draft.

The author extends prior literature by investigating the effect of the abolition of compulsory military service in Spain in December 2001 on fertility. This is novel is several ways. First, to the best of the author’s knowledge, previous literature has examined the effect of this Spanish reform only on labor market outcomes prior to men's conscription. Second, even for other countries that terminated the compulsory draft, fertility has been under-studied, providing an opportunity for further exploration. Third, this analysis is based on rich Census data, representative of the population in Spain. Finally, given the inconclusive findings of previous studies for other countries and the proposed re-introduction of the draft in some parts of Europe, additional evidence of the effect of the conscription has important policy implications necessary for the evaluation of future military service policy decisions.

The objective of this paper is to examine the effect of spending one extra year in high school on early marriage and childbirth.

The study takes advantage of the education reform in 2007 that extended the years of high school education by one to conduct a quasi experiment. The marriage and fertility outcomes of women who completed a four-year senior high school education are compared to those who completed a three-year senior high school education.

The findings from the study indicate that the one-year extension in high school education led to a 4.75 percentage point reduction in the probability of ever marrying by age 27 and a 6.7 percentage point reduction in the probability of ever given birth. The authors demonstrate that the extension of the duration of high school education by one year has a heterogeneous effect, as it reduced the fertility and marriage outcomes of rural girls more than urban girls. The study reveals opportunity costs and confinement effects as possible mechanisms through which the policy affected early marriage and birth.

This study is one of the few studies that examine the impact of the duration of secondary school education on fertility and marriage. For Africa in particular, there is no such study. Thus, this study provides a unique contribution to the literature since available studies on this subject matter can only be found in advanced economies. Unlike other studies in Africa that use a design that provides the combined effect of duration of schooling and school enrolment on fertility and marriage, this design enables the authors to only look at the effect of duration of schooling on fertility and marriage.

The peer review history for this article is available at: https://publons.com/publon/10.1108/IJSE-04-2023-0323

South Africa is in the last stage of the first demographic transition (FDT) – yet already depicts aspects of the second transition. The last stage of the FDT is characterized by lower levels of fertility closer to or at the replacement level of the average of 2.1 children per woman, and improvements in mortality displayed by declining infant and childhood mortality leading to increasing life expectancy at birth. The second demographic transition (SDT) is driven by lifestyle changes that are determinants of demographic patterns. Such lifestyle changes are declining marriage rates, increasing attention on human development, and thus changing family formation patterns. South Africa’s youth are at the centre of this transition. The population census of 2011 shows an age structure of South Africa that is characterized by a larger proportion of 20-35-year-olds. This resulted from a long period of declining fertility and to some extent improvements in mortality at all ages. This age structure, with adequate investments - is expected to yield a period of economic growth resulting from a reduced dependency ratio. However, improved health care, investments in human development, and higher employment opportunities are required to harness the benefit. This chapter aims to explore the national and provincial preparedness of South African youth to contribute to economic growth of the country. In particular, the chapter will focus on demographic factors such as sex ratio; youth mortality and morbidity; and youth fertility levels as these factors are highly correlated with human development.

This work analyzes female immigrants’ integration in the dimensions of education, labor market participation and fertility in 15 European countries, considering individual characteristics, including cultural background, host countries’ attitudes towards immigrants, the role of women in the family and country-specific integration policy. All these aspects taken together are crucial to understand the main patterns of integration focusing on gender differences.

We focus on second- and first-generation male and female immigrants between the age of 25 and 41, with a length of stay of at least ten years. Enrollment ratios for tertiary education in parents’ countries, the total fertility rate and the female labor force in the mother’s country represent ethnic background. Diversity in the destination regions is captured by local attitudes towards immigrants, the perceived role of women and national policies to integrate migrants [Migrant Integration Policy Index (MIPEX)]. The data are drawn from the European Social Survey (ESS) for 2010–2018. Our results are based on ordinary least squares (OLS) and logit estimates; multilevel analysis was conducted.

We find significant evidence of gender role transmission from mother to daughter; age at immigration seems to be crucial to examine the importance of the culture of origin among immigrants. However, females are responsive to attitudes toward immigrants and gender equality in receiving societies, while integration policies, by defining the set of opportunities, may contribute to both genders’ tertiary education and women’s probability of being in the labor force.

This work underlines that integration policies favoring equal rights as nationals may contribute to both women’s tertiary education and their probability of being in the labor force.

We explore female integration in Europe in the dimensions of education, labor market, fertility and the role of both immigrants’ cultural heritage and specific aspects of destination countries. Previous research, particularly in the USA, has generally focused on some of these features at the expense of a more comprehensive approach. This study builds upon the existing literature and contributes to it by taking a multifaceted approach to female integration in Western Europe, which presents not only an institutional context different from the USA but also some heterogeneity with respect to integration policies and socioeconomic factors.

The basic purpose of this paper was to check the perceived impact of socio-economic on the fertility rate (FR) in Pakistan. It also explored the factors which play an important role on FR of urban and rural resident women.

A few studies were carried out this particular issue in Pakistan but this issue was not mentioned in such a way as the current study highlights. Data were collected through questionnaires from rural and urban areas. The main variables were chosen for this purpose were the income of the households, their education level and the mortality rate. FR is measured in terms of number of children which are above 5 years of age and married couple has stopped the further fertility intentions; Monthly income of the families were taken and the education was in the years of schooling. The ordinary least square (OLS) model was used for the estimation.

The results of this study showed that, in urban areas this association is very strong while in rural areas this is relatively weak due to sharp differences in income brackets. Families with high level of income tend to have few children. Female education is also negatively correlated with FR. Higher level of female education has negative effect on FR. Mortality rate has significant positive association with FR. Higher mortality rate compel families to have more birth as probability of living is low. There is inverse association between income and FR.

The best way to determine how birth rates are changing is not the crude birth rate (CBR) but the total fertility rate (TFR). This measure provides an age-controlled estimation of “how many kids a woman beginning her childbearing years now would have over her whole life if current birth rates remain stable”.

Mortality rate has significant positive association with FR. Higher mortality rate compel families to have more birth as probability of living is low. There is inverse association between income and FR.