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My study examines the pay-for-performance relationship surrounding executive compensation in higher education. There has been much criticism of the rising levels of university presidential pay, particularly in the public sector, citing it is pay without performance. Public colleges and universities are funded by taxpayers; therefore, their expenditures are even more heavily scrutinized than private institutions. Many feel that university executives are overpaid and are not delivering a return in the form of enhanced institutional performance to their investors, the public. Growing student debt only adds intensity to the outcry against heightened compensation. Proponents of the increasing pay levels contend that the ever-changing role of the university president and competition in the marketplace for talent warrants such compensation. Using data obtained from The Chronicle of Higher Education and Integrated Postsecondary Education System websites, I find a highly significant and positive relationship between compensation for executives at four-year public institutions and both the levels of university endowment and enrollment. These results support the pay-for-performance debate. In contrast, results for other performance measures, scholarships and graduation rates, do not support the debate. My study contributes to the literature examining pay-for-performance in higher education with an empirical analysis examining the institutional determinants of executive compensation for public colleges and universities.

Purpose: To critically explore the implications of the August 2020, decision by Carleton University’s Institute for Criminology and Criminal Justice (ICCJ) to end to its intern program with the Ottawa police, the RCMP, Correctional Services Canada and Ottawa-Carleton Detention Centre starting in Fall 2021.

Findings: In contrast to the negative reaction of Kevin Haggerty to this decision, the authors offer a strong but qualified endorsement of the ICCJ’s move to put an end to its internship with coercive institutions. The ICCJ strategically mobilized discourses of anti-Blackness and inclusion in response to the murder of George Floyd and the individual and communitarian traumas of Black, First Nations and Metis and students colour in its program. The ICCJ did not, however, substantively engage with the ways that criminology, sociology and the university are complicit through the legitimation practices and processes of ideology, professionalization and research in the ‘violence work’ of the state. The critique, ethics and logical conclusion of abolitionism are obfuscated.

Methodology/Approach: The authors explicitly draw on the Black Radical Tradition, Neo-Marxism and radical neo-Weberianism to sketch research possibilities that resist the university as a space of violence work, both in criminology and in the professionalization of policing.

Originality/Value: The debate between the ICCJ and Kevin Haggerty is an important opportunity to critically analyze the limits of critical criminology and lacunae of a debate about abolitionism, anti-criminology and university-state nexus as a site for the production of ideological and hardware violence work. Grounded in the Black Radical Tradition, neo-Marxism and radical neo-Weberianism, the authors sketch a framework for a research agenda toward the abolition of criminology.

The environment surrounding U.S. higher education has changed substantially over the past 40 years. However, we have a limited understanding of what these changes mean for the higher education organizations (HEOs) that occupy this organizational field. In this paper, I use descriptive statistics and multilevel latent class analysis (MLCA) to analyze the financial behaviors of public four-year HEOs from 1986 to 2010 to evaluate how HEOs adapt financially to their changing environments. I advance the current conceptual and empirical understanding of public HEO behaviors by evaluating how public HEOs utilize combinations of revenue and spending streams to accomplish their mission and the extent to which the revenues and spending patterns of these institutions are related. Descriptive results confirm the shift away from state funding toward tuition revenues and the relative stability in spending patterns. MLCA results, which allow for the investigation of how combinations of revenue and spending streams work together, indicate that public HEOs are changing the combinations of revenues they rely on in different ways, revealing multiple specific pathways for how public HEOs adapt to their changing environments. The spending profiles, in contrast, remain stable with only a few HEOs changing their profile over time. I argue that the loose coupling between revenues and spending and discontinuity in their patterns of change over time suggests that public HEOs are able to establish a buffer between their environment and spending or activities that allows them to continue engaging in the same broad set of activities despite environmental changes.

In this chapter, the authors interrogate the structures, natures, processes, and variables that shape globalized collegiate desegregation. The authors pay attention to the history of segregation in South African culture, then proceed to current efforts to dismantle and rebuild the country’s educational enterprise. Drawing parallels with segregation policy in the United States, the authors argue that both nations may draw from global lessons about systemic global anti-Black oppression and its structural forms (e.g., apartheid, inequities in higher education). More specifically, the authors ground arguments in an analysis of the linguistic hegemony that continues to inculcate the college-aspiring students of South Africa. Understanding fundamental desegregation characteristics of racial hegemonic nations (e.g., United States) vis-à-vis racial and linguistic hegemonic nations (e.g., South Africa) is imperative to increase understanding of democratization of educational systems throughout the world.

The purpose of this paper is to review historical developments in higher education in Sri Lanka, and review issues faced and strategies adopted to improve higher education in state universities in the country. The paper also reviews national and international forces that influenced to modernise and improve higher education in state universities in the country.

The paper reviews available published documents from the last two decades to present and discuss key national and international forces transforming the higher education of the country and strategies adopted to modernise and improve higher education in state universities in the country.

Historical development in general and higher education together with key characteristics of the Sri Lankan education system are discussed. The governing bodies of the state university education, donor agencies and strategies adopted for the development of higher education in the country during the recent history have been reviewed. Conclusions and challenges for the future are also presented.

The higher education of the country underwent rapid transformations over the past seven decades with the aim of strengthening the wider relationship between university, industry and society. A review on higher education in Sri Lanka could provide lessons valuable for academics and practitioners alike worldwide.

In a democratic system such as the United States, freedom of expression and free speech are core values in the Constitution and fiercely protected by civil liberties organizations and advocates. The Supreme Court has consistently upheld the right to protest and to express what may be considered unpopular or dissenting opinions. However, the right does not extend to incitement of violence and the state is authorized to protect the safety of citizens. One of the most recent movements challenging the country’s recognition of freedom of expression has been the alt-right/white nationalist movement, particularly Richard Spencer who is a vocal white supremacist and president of the National Policy Institute. A number of universities such as Auburn University, Texas A&M, the University of Florida, and Michigan State University recently found themselves in the middle of a free speech and expression event versus the potential for political violence situation because of the rhetoric of Spencer’s White Lives Matter campus tour and possibility of protests or counter-protests following his speeches. This invites the question of to what extent a university can ban controversial speakers out of concern for violence and when must they allow controversial speech? The chapter will start by looking at state control of political protests and speech in the United States and then how similar dissent is addressed in other countries.

Internationally, dissent is often handled differently with much less tolerance and often a more confrontational response by the state. For example, following the Arab Spring and passage of restrictive laws to prohibit influencing public opinion, Saudi Arabia has seen a rise in political arrests as the state uses its authority to suppress political competitors and consolidate power. The State Security Agency, overseen by the king, claimed in September 2017 that a group of academics, scholars, writers, and leading Islamist figures were inciting violence and called for their arrest. This wave of arrests along with several prior ones and state exercise of media control, exemplifies Saudi Arabia’s desire to suppress dissent by exercising state control. In Venezuela, a law prohibiting messages of hate from being transmitted via broadcast and social media was passed, carrying a possible sentence of 20 years in prison if convicted. The Assembly claimed the law was intended to promote “peace, tolerance, equality, and respect,” but it has been criticized for suppressing extremist sectors of right-wing political groups in the country. Additional case studies of Uganda’s use of military forces to control public outcry over corruption and deteriorating public services will also be evaluated.

The purpose of this paper is to suggest public service corporations as a new means of helping to finance comprehensive public colleges and universities based on a well‐documented assumption that the current shared responsibility for financing public colleges is broken.

The paper focuses on financing comprehensive public colleges and universities, and explicitly does not focus on research, community, or proprietary institutions. The paper draws heavily from national data and literature on college finance and productivity, and uses New Jersey's state colleges and universities as primary examples.

The paper asserts that a new funding rationale for public colleges is imperative or these institutions will fail the principal mission of broad access for middle‐income students. Citing examples from New Jersey and other states, and drawing on work of other policy analysts, the paper proposes creation of new public service corporations not only as a means of generating new revenue to replace diminished state investment, but also as a means of enhancing transparency, accountability and public trust. The paper discusses explicit purposes and measurable benefits of the public service corporation.

The paper is written by two higher education policy practitioners with a combined 40 years executive experience in higher education law and policy at the state and national levels. They have been a leading voice for policy innovation in New Jersey. The paper has significant value for college presidents, trustees, governors, legislators, and policy analysts.

The purpose of this study is to explore the effects of different types of collegiate education by examining collegiate business students' sentiment toward marketing.

Students attending marketing classes at two universities (a Jesuit university and a state university) in the same region in the USA were sampled. The questionnaires included the Index of Consumer Sentiment toward Marketing (ICSM).

For overall sentiment toward marketing and for each of the aspects of marketing, significant (at the 0.05 level) differences are noted. In each instance, students attending the state university report more positive sentiment toward marketing than students attending the Jesuit university.

The sample is comprised of students attending only two universities located in the same region.

The findings suggest that students attending Jesuit universities may possess more negative sentiment toward marketing than students attending the state university. The increased emphasis on social justice and social responsibility at the Jesuit university may increase the standards with which their students evaluate marketers. Business students from Jesuit universities may be more likely to act socially responsibly than business students from state universities in their subsequent employment.

Jesuit colleges of business purport to produce students who are more socially responsible than students attending colleges of business at state universities, but these claims have not been examined empirically.