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Since the democratic transition in 1986, the Philippines has made considerable progress in re-establishing the legal/constitutional basis of civilian supremacy. Legislative control over the military's budget and appointment as well as the use of paramilitary units were re-instituted. Congress also assigned civilian court jurisdiction over human rights cases involving state security forces. An independent human rights commission was given power to investigate allegations of abuses. Constitutional limits were written into the President's ability to mobilize and deploy the military during emergency situations. Notwithstanding, the present structure of the Philippine security forces remains problematic. Of the three services, the army is primarily focused on counterinsurgency (COIN) operations, with the police and paramilitary providing support. The army relies on large formations for its COIN operations and less on Special Forces, which owing to historical interventionist and coup-plotting proclivities, has been numerically emasculated.

Using a case study method, the chapter probes how local civilian authorities in Leon, Iloilo (a town in central Philippines) are able to monitor, supervise or control security sector activities within their area of jurisdiction. A considerable gap exists between each force's understanding of its functions and what they actually do in relation to other state security forces. The army performs mostly non-combat tasks in line with COIN as well as non-traditional tasks. The police are involved mostly in law enforcement and provide augmentation force to army-led COIN operations, but greatly handicapped in detection and investigation matters. The paramilitary is utilized primarily for COIN as territorial defense forces but not for other emergency tasks as envisioned in the law. A tighter relationship exists on the ground between the army unit and the paramilitary, whereas a gap is evident between the army and the police regarding the geographic scope of response to rebel threat. The local government played no significant role in the peace initiative brokered in the 1990s nor has the town peace and order council been the framework of choice in seeking more constructive engagements between the civilian authorities and security forces.

A review of the literature suggests that law enforcement agencies adopted a paramilitary model of management based on little empirical evidence supporting the suitability of this model. Moreover, relatively little is known about the effects of prior military service experience on the work events experienced by police officers. This paper will examine the effects of prior military service experience on exposure to organizational and field work events, and perceptions of stress among these events. The results show that more military experience did not significantly predict fewer organizational work events and lower perceptions of stress, or more field work events and greater perceptions of stress. More years of police experience and section assignment predicted fewer field work events, although perceptions of stress were not significantly lower. These results are discussed, as they compare with salient demographic variables found to influence work stress in police officers.

The purpose of this paper is to compare and analyze perspectives of law enforcement officers with combat deployment experience, other military background, and no military service regarding the meaning, relevance, and consequences of the military model of policing.

Data were obtained from an online survey of police officers throughout a rural Northern New England state. A t-test compared the difference of means on 25 items measured as military attributes and as relevant to policing and an ANCOVA analysis examined the relationship between military service status and the meaning, relevance, and consequences of the military model.

Officers gave statistically lower ratings to the relevancy than they did to the military character of most of 25 stipulated attributes of the military model, particularly the use of force, but indicated that the military model had positive consequences on both police personnel and the community. There were few differences between officers of different military background regarding the meaning, relevance, and consequences of the military model. However, significantly different ratings given to empowerment of those at lowest levels, to the relevancy of military leadership, and to the effects of military organization and style on the ability to deal with stress were largely attributable to those with combat deployment experience.

This is the only study to use more accurate measures of the relevance of the military model and to empirically examine how police officers themselves, particularly with different military service background, evaluate constituent aspects of the military model.

The purpose of the study was to determine whether prior military service impacts police officers' job-related attitudes.

A survey was administered to sworn police officers in a large urban department.

Findings indicate that military service has almost no impact on police officers' perceptions of danger in the community and suspicion toward citizens. The small effect that did surface suggests that military veterans perceive less danger in the occupational environment.

This study contributes to the scant existing research on whether and how military service may impact police officers' attitudes; in particular, it speaks to the concern that veterans bring a warrior mentality to the job. Findings suggest that these fears are not founded.

Police agencies commonly give preferential hiring to military veterans. Current findings suggest that this practice does not threaten police–community relations.

Scant research has examined the impact of military experience on police officers' job-related attitudes and specifically on their perceptions of danger and their suspicion of citizens. Additionally, when military service is included in police studies, it is operationalized as a binary yes/no. Here, the authors parse service into different components for a more nuanced examination.

Expanding on earlier research, this paper aims to develop a more complete understanding of military experience as it relates to stress and burnout in law enforcement. The current study examines whether influences on stress and burnout vary between officers with military experience and officers without a military background.

Data for this study were obtained from earlier research on police staff at a Northeastern metropolitan city. A combination of analytic methods, including t‐tests and multivariate regression analysis, were used to explore the effects of variables on stress and burnout among military and non‐military officers.

The results indicate that negative exposures to demanding events influenced burnout for all officers. In contrast, negative exposures affected stress levels for those officers with no military experience. Coping techniques were important predictors of stress and burnout for both groups; however, contrary to expectations, police experience in years was not significant in any model. Demographic controls had no influence on stress and burnout for either group, with the exception of gender, which was a significant predictor of stress only for the non‐military group.

This research has implications for police departments interested in developing group‐based strategies for reducing stress and burnout among officers. The findings are limited in their capacity for wide geographical generalization, however, because this study represents the views of only one department.

In contrast with previous empirical work, the findings here demonstrate that military experience can have a favorable influence on the work outcomes of police officers. This study suggests that officers with military backgrounds are less stressed when faced with demanding situations and that military experience provides female officers with an edge in handling work‐related stressors.

Domestic law enforcement increasingly utilizes military tools and techniques in traditional policing activities. An increased militaristic approach is not without controversy, given the many high-profile incidents involving such tactics that have resulted in tragedy. We seek to assess specific views of policymakers who implement such strategies by measuring the attitudes of Texas sheriffs on these measures.

In late 2019 and early 2020, a census was completed with Texas sheriffs to better understand their attitudes about the use of military tactics. A robust return rate captured the views of 142 (56%) respondents from a diverse set of rural and urban counties. Opinions on the appropriateness, effectiveness and necessity of military techniques were measured.

Results indicate Texas sheriffs strongly support the use of military tools and techniques, believe they protect officer safety and should continue to be taught and utilized by law enforcement when appropriate.

Secondary consequences of police militarization may counteract its desired positive outcomes and lead to significant risks for officers and citizens alike. Strong police support makes the reduction in use of these tactics unlikely, but these results give opportunity for consideration of such policy to all law enforcement agencies.

It is the first study to examine county sheriffs' perceptions of militarization since the events of Ferguson, Missouri and provides a very recent assessment of views from a population of leaders both integrated into policy decisions and intimately accountable for policy implementation.

I. The Gendarmerie: Historical Background The Gendarmerie is the senior unit of the French Armed Forces. It is, however, difficult to give a precise date to its creation. What can be asserted is that as early as the Eleventh Century special units existed under the sénéchal (seneschal), an official of the King's household who was entrusted with the administration of military justice and the command of the army. The seneschal's assistants were armed men known as sergents d'armes (sergeants at arms). In time, the office of the seneschal was replaced by that of the connétable (constable) who was originally the head groom of the King's stables, but who became the principal officer of the early French kings before rising to become commander‐in‐chief of the army in 1218. The connétable's second in command was the maréchal (marshal). Eventually, the number of marshals grew and they were empowered to administer justice among the soldiery and the camp followers in wartime, a task which fully absorbed them throughout the Hundred Years War (1337–1453). The corps of marshals was then known as the maréchaussée (marshalcy) and its members as sergeants and provosts. One of the provosts, Le Gallois de Fougières, was killed at Agincourt in 1415; his ashes were transferred to the national memorial to the Gendarmerie, which was erected at Versailles in 1946.

The militarization of police has garnered great attention in recent decades. Bolstered by the wars on drugs and terrorism, police agencies have been receiving military weapons and equipment since the 1033 Program was authorized by the Department of Défense. A recent American Civil Liberties Union investigation on police raids found that militarization has occurred with almost no oversight. They studied more than 800 paramilitary raids and found that almost 80% were for ordinary law enforcement purposes like serving search warrants in people’s homes; only 7% were for genuine emergencies, such as barricade or hostage situations. Most compelling, the raids disproportionately targeted people of color. This chapter traces the history of police militarization in America, and how it has targeted and adversely affected minority communities.

The purpose of this paper is to review the state of research of police militarization in the USA to explore the claim that the police are becoming more like the military, or “militarized” in order to identify gaps in the research on this topic that require further investigation.

To explore the state of police militarization, this paper draws on a scan of scholarly papers published on militarization in the American context as well as a select array of gray literature on the topic.

While the nature of militarization has received substantial scholarly attention, debate on the phenomenon remains and there is little consensus on the definition of what makes a department militarized. The impact of militarization is similarly unclear: some scholars suggest that it has a negative impact on policing because it creates community hostility and encourages police to see force as a central problem-solving tool. However, other scholars suggest militarization is a positive development, as it could promote professionalism and accountability. To date, there has been little empirical work on the impact of militarization on policing that could inform this debate.

This paper suggests that empirical assessments of how militarization affects use of force and legitimacy will be valuable for informing the militarization debate. As scholars on both sides of the debate have suggested that militarization affect policing outcomes in these areas, empirical tests here offer a way to explore both sides’ claims. Such tests could offer new evidence on how militarization is affecting the character and operations of American police.