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Uses longitudinal data from the NLSY79 to examine the effect of a broad variety of performance‐based pay schemes and fringe benefits on male and female wages between 1988 and 1998. Specifically, analyzes whether the offer of various performance‐based pay schemes and fringe benefits functions as an alternative work incentive, eliciting greater effort and raising wages or, instead, it is accompanied by lower wages, as predicted by compensating wage theory. The results indicate that, while most performance‐based pay schemes are associated with higher wages to differing extents across gender, tips are commonly accompanied by lower wages among men. Similarly, while the offer of a retirement plan appears to as a work incentive raising male and female wages, workers are willing to trade wages for jobs offering life and medical insurance.

American workers at nearly every level of the income spectrum are not and often cannot to save properly to be secure in retirement. Addressing this challenge will require a comprehensive policy discussion by both federal and state policymakers. Employee stock ownership plans (ESOPs) are the primary form of employee ownership, and for reasons explored in this report, companies organized as S corporations are especially likely to be fully ESOP-owned. The purpose of the paper is to explore the role played by employee ownership in retirement security overall and across wage and age groups.

The findings described in this report are derived from a survey of privately held S corporation ESOPs. The report compares these findings to nationally representative survey data. The online survey, conducted between January and March 2018, received responses from 39 companies that supplied the median and average account balances of a total of 61,020 plan participants. It breaks new ground by presenting retirement account balances by wage and age categories (e.g. 20,000 lower-wage workers and 8,000 employees nearing retirement).

ESOP participants represented in this survey have more than twice the average total retirement balance of Americans nationally: $170,326 vs $80,339. This is not just a function of higher wage ESOP employees driving the average up. ESOP employees making less than $25,000 a year also have on average more than double the retirement savings ($55,526) compared to similar workers nationally ($22,447). Nearly all of the respondent companies (97 percent) offer at least one other retirement plan in addition to the ESOP. By contrast, 32 percent of all workers in the US workforce as a whole do not have access to any retirement benefits at work, and 49 percent of all workers are not participating in the plan that is available to them. Additionally, these S corporation ESOP companies provide an array of benefits at levels solidly higher than firms overall where comparison data exist. Certainly, these benefits make their own contribution to retirement security because workers are less likely to have to dip into savings for critical investments or expenses, such as tuition, to advance their career or unexpected medical expenses. Among the surveyed S ESOPs, workers nearing retirement have on average a median account balance of $147,522 in their ESOP plus $98,974 in a non-ESOP plan(s). By contrast, more than one-third (35 percent) of all workers nearing retirement have neither retirement savings nor a defined benefit pension. This percentage rises to 50 percent among low-income workers in this age bracket. As such, national data place the median account balance of all US workers aged 55–64 years at zero. Even among workers who have retirement accounts, the median balance nationally is $100,000. A typical millennial worker (25–34 years old) at a surveyed S ESOP company has a median ESOP account balance of $22,588 and a median balance of $11,239 in a non-ESOP account. In contrast, the median savings of US millennials is zero. Among the surveyed S ESOPs, lower-wage employees ($10.00–$12.85 per hour) typically have median account balances in their ESOP of $4,381 and in a non- ESOP plan of $2,149. In contrast, nationally, 56 percent of workers in this category do not have access to any retirement benefits at work. This translates into a median savings for this group of zero. Finally, ESOPs are clearly associated with reduced turnover. Respondent companies report quit and separation rates that are more than two times lower than national rates.

This is the first such study of its kind.

This paper uses newly compiled data from two surveys of female home workers undertaken by the Women’s Industrial Council in London in 1897 and 1907 to investigate various issues related to their work and wages. The reports detail the occupations, average weekly earnings and hours, marital status, and household size, composition, and total income of approximately 850 female home workers, offering a unique, and as yet unused, opportunity to explore the labor market characteristics of the lowest-paid workers in the early twentieth century. Analysis of the data reveals that the female home workers who were surveyed were drawn overwhelmingly from poor households. Home workers were older than female factory workers, most were married or widowed, and the majority of married workers reported that their husbands were out of work, sick, disabled, or in casual or irregular work. Weekly wages and hours of work varied considerably by industry, but averaged about 7–9s. and 40–45 hours per week, with many workers reporting the desire for more work. The relationship between hours of work (daily and weekly) and hourly wages was negative, and the wives and daughters of men who were out of the labor force due to unemployment or illness tended to work longer hours at lower wages, as did women who lived in households where some health issue was present. These findings lend support to contemporary perceptions that women driven into the labor force by immediate household need were forced to take the lowest-paid work, whether because they lacked skill and experience or bargaining power in the labor market.

Much of the recent debate on the minimum wage has focused on its employment implications. The theory of human capital suggests that minimum wages should also have important adverse effects on human capital accumulation. In the standard human capital theory, as developed by Becker (1964), Ben-Porath (1967), and Mincer (1974), a large part of human capital is accumulated on the job, and workers often finance these investments through lower wages. A binding minimum wage will therefore reduce workplace training, as it prevents low wage workers from accepting the necessary wage cuts (Rosen, 1972). The early empirical literature has confirmed this prediction. The negative impact on human capital formation has been an important argument against minimum wages in the minds of many economists and policy-makers, and an important piece of evidence in support of the standard theory of human capital.

Most countries around the world base their old‐age pension programs largely on the pay‐as‐you‐go defined benefit (PAYGO DB) model. However, due to a number of factors including population aging, the maturing of these schemes, rapidly increasing old‐age pension costs, and the perceived need to become more competitive in international markets, many nations have become increasingly concerned about the present (or projected future) economic burden of paying for the pension benefits promised by these schemes. This concern has led policy makers to look for alternative models. One of the most innovative alternatives to emerge during the past ten years is the notional defined contribution (NDC) model. In this article we describe this model and discuss some of the implications of a shift to this model for women and low‐wage workers. We conclude that in the industrial nations women and low‐wage workers are likely to do less well with schemes based all or in part on the NDC model because such schemes are typically designed to be less redistributive (from higher to lower income groups) than the PAYGO DB schemes they will be replacing. However, in developing countries the reverse will often be true as the NDC schemes are likely to be replacing PAYGO DB schemes that tend to redistribute from low‐income groups to higher income groups. Relative to funded DC schemes a major advantage of the NDC model is that it does not subject individual pension benefits to the volatility of financial markets. This issue is relevant to workers in both developed and developing nations, but it is a particularly important consideration in developing nations.

The market equilibrium model predicts that the supply and demand schedules of labor to an industry will cross at a level at which labor receives the value of its marginal product as contributed to the output produced. The imposition of an effective minimum wage in that industry creates a price floor for labor which will reduce employment as it promotes incentives to substitute capital for labor and/or workers with higher marginal productivity for those with lower skill and lower marginal productivity. This means in effect that it will lead employers to eliminate less productive jobs. Teenagers (youths 16–19 years old) with little training or work‐experience may be priced out of the market because they are not “worth” (in terms of productivity) the minimum wage.

The purpose of this paper is to analyse the wage gap between temporary and permanent workers across the whole wage distribution, not just at the mean, and the evolution before and after the Great Recession on this gap in Spain.

An extended Mincer-type wage equation is estimated using ordinary least square regression and unconditional quantile regression. Then, the decomposition of the wage gap between workers with fixed-term and permanent contracts for each quantile is made using the Fortin, Lemieux and Firpo decomposition.

The results show that two workers, with identical characteristics, earn different salaries if they have a different type of contract. However, the wage gap is not constant across the wage distribution. The penalty for temporary workers is wider for higher wages. Moreover, the main part of the gap is due to observed characteristics, but other factors (unobserved characteristics and discrimination) become more relevant in the upper part of the wage distribution.

The study expands upon available studies for Spain in two points. First, it is the first paper to the knowledge that analyse both the wage gap between temporary and permanent workers across the wage distribution and its decomposition. Second, the paper explores what happened before and after the Great Recession. In the years that the paper analyses there is also a labour market reform.

The purpose of the paper is to propose that stakeholder scholarship should take its rightful role in the acknowledgement of stakeholder value production, the enhancement of stakeholder voice and public stakeholder advocacy. Its focus is on low‐wage workers particularly, although the analysis holds for dependent stakeholders generally.

This paper analyses and develops extant stakeholder theory with regard to employer treatment of low‐wage workers. A general point is made about the need for stakeholder research, writing and advocacy to take more explicit normative stances. This is achieved in three stages: by explaining why low‐wage workers are dependent stakeholders; by considering the strengths and weakness of stakeholder theory as an explanatory framework for low‐wage workers; and by identifying how stakeholder theory should be developed in order to provide an explicitly normative account of low‐wage workers that leads to pragmatic action.

Labour and industrial relations scholarship would benefit from the integration of stakeholder language and scholarship, as the stakeholder concept has gained currency and legitimacy among academics in a variety of fields. Stakeholder theory scholarship would benefit from explicit consideration of power, which is common to work in labour and industrial relations scholarship.

Stakeholder theory can benefit from labour and industrial relations scholarship and practice. Likewise, industrial relations can benefit from understanding and integration of the increasingly ubiquitous stakeholder concept. It is believed that the integration of stakeholder theory with insights from labour and industrial relations scholarship helps further work in both fields.

This paper aims to investigate the wage gap between temporary and permanent workers in Pakistan and Cambodia.

Quantile regression estimator is likely to be the most relevant to the sample.

The estimates indicate the presence of a temporary employment wage penalty in Pakistan and contrarily a wage premium in Cambodia. Moreover, quantile regression estimates show that wage differentials could greatly vary across the wage distribution. The wage gap is wider at the bottom of the wage distribution in Pakistan, suggesting a sticky floor effect that the penalty of being in temporary jobs could be more severe for disadvantaged workers. By contrast, a glass ceilings effect is found in Cambodia, indicating that the wage premium is small at the bottom and becomes high at the top of the pay ladder.

Despite the rise of temporary jobs in the past several decades, the empirical evidence on wage differentials between temporary and permanent workers is extremely limited in developing Asian countries. This paper is the first research work that systematically examines the temporary-permanent wage gap in selected Asian countries, based on their National Labor Force Survey data.

In the context of worker–firm complementarities, the extant literature has focused primarily on worker–firm dyads that generate additional revenue for the firm. However, we extend the study of worker–firm complementarities by examining matches that create value through the generation of additional nonpecuniary utility for employees. Through this lens, we hypothesize that mobile employees will receive lower wages to offset the benefits they receive from these nonpecuniary complementarities. Further, we hypothesize that star employees who create unique revenue-generating complementarities receive higher wages than otherwise predicted as they can capture a share of the additional revenue they generate. We test this conceptualization using panel data on all US National Basketball Association players from 2000 to 2009. We demonstrate that NBA players accept lower than predicted wages to play for their home teams which reflects worker utility-generating complementarities. We also show that superstars receive higher than predicted wages to play for their home teams, consistent with firm revenue-generating complementarities.