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The purpose of this paper is to explore the interaction between multinational enterprises (MNEs) and public governance institutions in regions of limited statehood by focusing on three areas of inquiry: first, the impact of MNEs in these environments; second, the mechanisms and levels through which MNEs engage with external governance processes; and finally, the strategic motivation for the mode and level of engagement.

The authors follow an applied qualitative research approach, drawing on the principles of case study design, through interviews with executives that were involved in setting up four MNEs in Afghanistan.

The results reveal a relationship between the depth of country embeddedness and the level of engagement of MNEs with public institutions and this is related to issues around risk mitigation and time horizons. Deeper embeddedness in the local markets brings greater exposure to risk leading to more and wider engagement in governance processes and cross-sector partnerships in order to influence these concerns.

The research contributes to institutional theory and demonstrates the interplay between organizations and the institutional surroundings. MNEs in Afghanistan are deeply affected by institutional weakness which contribute toward greater uncertainty and impact their behavior, but MNEs also have a direct bearing on institutions.

In fragile and conflict-affected states, MNEs can contribute toward peace and institution building and reinforce cycles of positive development, or they can further pathological behavior and contribute to conflict.

MNEs are increasingly going to be expected to step into the gaps associated with institutional voids and this will require a different approach to doing business and their choice of approach will have a direct bearing on social outcomes in host countries.

The authors reveal two models of MNE engagement in these areas of limited statehood, namely an embedded vs autonomous model and examine their implications.

The purpose of this paper is to explain the emergence of CSR in Afghanistan as a novel context in the South-Asian CSR debate.

The findings of the paper are based on case studies of four corporations in the Afghan mobile telecommunications industry. Multiple sources of qualitative data are coded according to the analytical framework of the paper to generate the findings.

The findings highlight that the Afghan national setting can be conceptualised as an “area of limited statehood” indicating the weak national institutional setting, which enables space for manoeuvring for non-state actors to play a pivotal role in business-society relations. The paper highlights that the CSR practices are driven by the multi-level organisational field that through a unique blend of global coercive, mimetic and normative pressures lead to convergence around explicit CSR themes.

The findings are based on CSR practices that are explicitly stated and do not include informal and/or implicit business-society practices in such contexts.

This paper combines the literature on areas of limited statehood and the neo-institutional theory to explain the emergence of CSR the Afghan mobile telecommunications industry. The paper advocates for a shift from a national setting focus to a multi-level institutional field lens in providing contextualised explanation of the emergence of CSR in developing countries.

The purpose of this article is to analyse Mexico’s money laundering governance with a focus on its 2007-2013 reform process. It provides a view of money laundering governance as a politically contested policy area and a reflection on the reach and purpose of the international regime promoted by the Financial Action Task Force (FATF).

The analysis uses an actor-centred approach on governance structures relating groups of public and private actors with competing policy preferences.

Three ideal-typical groups of actors are identified. Of these, the Financial Integrity and Criminal Enforcement Groups were central proponents of prevention- and prosecution-based policies, respectively. While criminal enforcement was initially sidelined, its role was strengthened in Mexico since 2007. Despite early signs of success, diverging policy preferences between these groups continue to complicate money laundering governance in Mexico through a complex distribution of tasks between them.

To address wider crime fighting concerns, more emphasis should be put on the role of prosecutorial actors in money laundering governance. Beyond the domestic level, the results raise concerns about the increasing focus of the FATF on money laundering as a threat to financial integrity.

The article adds to a better understanding of money laundering governance in Mexico. Further, the presented systematisation of actors can inform the analyses of money laundering governance and underlying political tensions in other country cases. By focusing on organised crime and prosecution, the case deviates from the international trend to concentrate on issues of market integrity and prevention-orientated policies.

There is an emerging consensus within the literature on failed and failing states that state failure is contagious across borders. For its part, the literature on regionalisation claims that states within the same region tend to form clusters of security – or insecurity – so that geographical proximity is closely associated with inert security relationships. This article – along with the individual contributions in the volume it introduces – seeks to bridge these two literatures, which otherwise rarely talk to each other. The approach taken throughout the volume is largely qualitative and case-oriented, yet methodologically diverse, while the articles have a shared comparative ambition. This introductory article examines the debate on failing states and contextualises the volume's contributions within that debate. It then does the same in relation to the debate on regional security, before moving on to examine the role and impact of emerging regional responses to insecurity. When we examine recent state-building initiatives, the effectiveness of external actors seems limited, while existing power holders – and the conflicts between them – are at the centre in processes for building states. This calls for studying the practice of state-building, and for rooting policies in viable practices, even when the driving actors are not inherently benign. To a considerable degree, a state's strength and functionality are relational: the state can only be understood in relation to significant other states. Within regions, hegemonic states – and the strategies pursued by other states in their efforts to cooperate with, balance, or counter the hegemon – have major implications for security. Regional cooperation emerges through concrete collaboration to address commonly perceived challenges, at times as an unintended effect of a targeted initiative. Key actors – and the networks of which they form part – are often transnational, spanning the borders of several states. The behaviour of transnational actors, how they interface with the system of states and regions and the potential for their conversion into constructive political forces remain poorly understood. As a whole, these are findings that inspire an agenda for future research at the interface between the state and the region.

Using critical disaster studies and state theory, we assess the disaster aid platform named Lebanon Reconstruction, Reform and Recovery Framework (3RF) that was put in place by international donors in the aftermath of the Beirut Port Blast in August 2020, in order to examine the effectiveness of its inclusive decision-making architecture, as well as its institutional building and legislative reform efforts.

The paper uses the case study approaach and relies on two original data sets compiled by authors, using desk reviews of academic literature and secondary data, in addition to 24 semi-structured expert interviews and participant observation for two years.

The aid platform appears innovative, participatory and effectively functioning toward recovery and reform. However, in practice, the government dismisses CSOs, undermines reforms and dodges state building, whereas the 3RF is structured in incoherent ways and operates according to conflicting logics, generating inertia and pitfalls that hinder effective participatory governance, prevent institutional building, and delay the making of projects.

The research contributes to critical scholarship as it addresses an important research gap concerning disaster aid platforms’ institutional design and governance that are under-studied in critical disaster studies and political studies. It also highlights the need for critical disaster studies to engage with state theory and vice-versa.

The research contributes to evaluations of disaster recovery processes and outcomes. It highlights the limits of disaster aid platforms’ claims for participatory decision-making, institutional-building and reforms.

The paper amplifies critical disaster studies, through the reflexive analysis of a case-study of an aid platform.

User profiling with big data raises significant issues regarding privacy. Privacy studies typically focus on individual privacy; however, in the era of big data analytics, users are also targeted as members of specific groups, thus challenging their collective privacy with unidentified implications. Overall, this paper aims to argue that in the age of big data, there is a need to consider the collective aspects of privacy as well and to develop new ways of calculating privacy risks and identify privacy threats that emerge.

Focusing on a collective level, the authors conducted an extensive literature review related to information privacy and concepts of social identity. They also examined numerous automated data-driven profiling techniques analyzing at the same time the involved privacy issues for groups.

This paper identifies privacy threats for collective entities that stem from data-driven profiling, and it argues that privacy-preserving mechanisms are required to protect the privacy interests of groups as entities, independently of the interests of their individual members. Moreover, this paper concludes that collective privacy threats may be different from threats for individuals when they are not members of a group.

Although research evidence indicates that in the age of big data privacy as a collective issue is becoming increasingly important, the pluralist character of privacy has not yet been adequately explored. This paper contributes to filling this gap and provides new insights with regard to threats for group privacy and their impact on collective entities and society.

Policing in much of the developing world has always been, in many respects, both dominated by the nonstate and pluralised. Yet, plurality and the nonstate are predominantly conceptualised, by scholars and practitioners alike, as problematic, noninclusive and/or undemocratic. Yet the reality is far more complex than this. In this chapter, we turn the tables on conventional wisdom by looking to the positive features of plural or polycentric forms of security governance by asking how these features might be utilised to provide for more inclusive forms of security governance in the Global South. Drawing on empirical research in South Africa on plural policing arrangements, this chapter considers how Sustainable Development Goal 16 which seeks to ‘promote peaceful and inclusive societies’ might be realised within plural governance systems. This chapter seeks to demonstrate that certain conditions need to be in place for plural or polycentric systems of security governance to coprovide effective and inclusive security for the collective good and, furthermore, that the positive features of the nonstate can be harnessed to give effect to the SDGs.

This study aims to investigate how different academic fields within and outside of international business (IB) engage with the topics of social value creation in the context of multinational enterprises (MNEs). The aim is to take stock of the main themes and offer suggestions for future research avenues.

The paper undertakes a scoping review. The authors use the Web of Science database to identify relevant articles. The database search yielded 466 articles. The NVivo software was used to code and identify key thematic areas.

The matrix analysis performed in NVivo yielded 15 main thematic areas spanning 37 research fields. However, further analysis revealed that 89 per cent of the articles originated from 13 fields. Furthermore, while IB journals represent the second-largest field home to publications related to the social value creation of MNEs, they only account for 12 per cent of the sample.

The paper responds to prior calls to reduce disciplinary silos through the performing of a thematic analysis across a multitude of research fields.

Global mobility remains one of the most pressing challenges of our times. Countries in the north are turning to major ‘sending’ countries in the south to secure their cooperation in controlling their borders and in repatriation processes. By explicitly linking migration to global security threats and weak governance, these migration control initiatives are justified by development goals and sometimes financed by official development assistance (ODA). By connecting criminology with international development scholarship, this chapter seeks to advance our understanding of the novel intersections between criminal justice, security and development to govern mass migration. Focusing on UK policies and the analysis of specific programmes, it interrogates what does the sustainable development goal (10.7) of facilitating ‘orderly, safe, regular and responsible migration’ concretely entail? And to what extent does the language of ‘managed migration’ legitimise restrictive border controls policies and even conflict with other global development goals?