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The purpose of this paper is to explore the use of angry political rhetoric employed by George Wallace and Donald Trump. The authors start by discussing the civic thinking…
The purpose of this paper is to explore the use of angry political rhetoric employed by George Wallace and Donald Trump. The authors start by discussing the civic thinking skills stressed within the C3 Framework, specifically the ability to analyze politicians’ arguments. Then, the focus shifts to look at angry political rhetoric within the US history. Next, the authors discuss the parallels of the angry political rhetoric employed by both Wallace and Trump. Finally, two activities are provided that enable students to grasp the convergences with the angry political rhetoric utilized by both Wallace and Trump.
In this paper, the authors explore angry rhetoric in American politics. The authors designed two classroom-ready activities by drawing on the best teaching practices advocated for in the C3 Framework. To elaborate, both activities allow students to research and analyze arguments made by George Wallace and Donald Trump. This enables students to engage in the four dimensions of the Inquiry Arc in the C3 Framework.
The authors provide two activities that can be utilized in the high school social studies classroom to enable students to dissect American politicians’ messages. These two activities can be adapted and utilized to enable students to examine a political candidate’s messages, especially those that draw on angry rhetoric. By completing the steps of these two activities, students are better prepared to be critical consumers of political media messages.
In this paper, the authors explore the role of angry political rhetoric in American politics. The authors examine the parallels of political style between George Wallace and Donald Trump. Two activities are provided to help students break down the angry political rhetoric employed by these two controversial figures.
This article aims to analyse how environmentalist NGOs build the figures of guilty and evil businesses in texts published on the web sites of two ironic prizes. These…
This article aims to analyse how environmentalist NGOs build the figures of guilty and evil businesses in texts published on the web sites of two ironic prizes. These texts are good examples of criticism based on reversing and analysing semiotic productions of organisations, like advertising and environmental reports, as a part of on‐line environmentalist campaigns.
The article is based on textual semiotics and a semiotic‐based approach to rhetoric; the methodology is qualitative and exploratory. A part of the text published on the web sites of the two ironic prizes (Pinocchio and Angry Mermaid) are analysed in order to identify different models and strategies of criticism.
The article identifies a series of critical strategies: semantic/paradigmatic, syntagmatic/meta‐textual, referential, narrative and inter‐textual criticisms. It underlines the fact that on‐line criticism is an anti‐ideological semiotic action, which can be compared to some forms of ecological thought. Nonetheless, it is based on some forms of rhetoric and ideology, which can be analysed with semiotic tools.
This paper presents a qualitative, exploratory analysis of two cases: results cannot be directly generalized, but methodology and findings can be transferred to other cases (epistemological principle of transferability).
Methods and results of this paper can help in enriching research on the rhetoric of environmental communication, and can integrate more quantitative approaches. Results can suggest new approaches to business communicators, in order to avoid environmental criticism and “boomerang effects”.
The attempt to apply semiotics to the analysis of communication campaigns is rare and perhaps quite innovative. The approach can enrich the fields of PR and business communication studies, of rhetoric analysis and of environmental communication analysis.
Opposition Social Democratic Alliance (SDSM) supporters are angry with the president's unexpected pardon for all those being investigated for involvement in Macedonia's…
Since 2008, Greece has been spiralling down an economic and socio-political crisis. Over the past decade, it has endured massive riots, consecutive elections, a…
Since 2008, Greece has been spiralling down an economic and socio-political crisis. Over the past decade, it has endured massive riots, consecutive elections, a debilitating public debt, and endless rescue plans by the EU and other international bodies. The crisis sparked an intense interest in the Greek public discourse, which is often accused of being dominated by populist rhetoric. This interest appears to be accompanied predominantly by a certain leitmotif: instead of appreciating the assistance offered, the Greek people resent it and taking refuge in populist rhetoric, further undermining the country’s stability. This echoes the age-old argument that ‘the people are an irrational mob acting impulsively, a lamentable state that should be cured or disciplined.’ Could the shaming, the appeal to sober morality – branding all other discourses as populist and dangerous – be the fashionable response of a cosmopolitan elite, high-profile pundits and institutions to the problems of global capitalism? The debate raged in the public sphere and in the streets of Athens. On multiple occasions, the crisis was used as a trope in the European public sphere to justify socio-political changes, austerity measures and disciplinary actions. The emerging schema juxtaposed populist/anti-populist discourses, reducing discourses and identities to black and white. This chapter reads discursive constructions of the Greek crisis, by-stepping the populist/anti-populist divide. Using analysis based on affect theory and the philosophy of emotions, it investigates the various uses of resentment as part of affective engineering and as an instrument of collective identification, in an environment of multiple overlapping crises in Europe.
The purpose of this paper is to identify the false distinction often drawn in both philosophy and social movement research between rationality of thought and the emotion…
The purpose of this paper is to identify the false distinction often drawn in both philosophy and social movement research between rationality of thought and the emotion of anger. By demonstrating that anger may represent something other than irrationality, the adequacy of common management responses to anti‐corporate activist anger is questioned.
Dominant western perspectives, in which anger is negatively constructed as a socially inappropriate irrationality in need of control, are contrasted with alternative viewpoints in which anger is conceptualized as an essential political mechanism through which judgments of injustice occur. Consonance between the latter view and “framing processes”, through which anger enters into social movements, is demonstrated.
Negative social constructions of anger reflected in corporate strategies for managing anger may serve important political functions, including suppression of moral agency and judgments of injustice among those who are disfranchised.
In order to validate citizen claims to moral equality, worth and community membership, managers should engage in authentic dialogue to openly evaluate and either agree on or challenge claims of injustice. Managers should also proactively involve peripheral (disfranchised) stakeholders in order to understand and incorporate their perspectives into sustainable and just business models.
Although anger has long been recognized as a central feature of anti‐corporate activism, it has received almost no scholarly attention. The false distinction often drawn between anger and rationality is described and, based on this, the adequacy of common corporate strategies for managing activist anger are questioned.
The purpose of this paper is to analyze how political marketing management in terms of communication practices influence the voters’ emotional responses as they observe…
The purpose of this paper is to analyze how political marketing management in terms of communication practices influence the voters’ emotional responses as they observe and listen to the discourse of a political leader.
An experiment was conducted, in which participants watched the last debate of the campaign leading up the Peruvian presidential elections held in June 2016. During the experiment, the Emotient FACET technology codifies the facial micro-expressions of participants.
The results reveal that a voter’s political tendencies influence the intensity of their positive emotions, when the political leader communicated a challenging message. Rhetorical strategies and non-verbal behaviors accompany this type of message in order to emphasize the discourse and persuade the audience.
The findings suggest that the gender gap in attitudes toward female politicians exists and could change the relationship found, influencing negative emotions instead of positive emotions. The implications of the findings for achieving political success are discussed.
The study makes a methodological contribution, employing an experimental protocol based on Emotient FACET technology in a political context, thereby enabling more direct and objective measurement of voters’ emotional responses.
El artículo busca analizar la influencia de la gestión de marketing político, en términos de estrategias de comunicación política, en la respuesta emocional de los votantes al observar y escuchar el discurso de un líder político.
Se realizó un experimento en el cual los participantes miraron el último debate de la campaña para las elecciones presidenciales del Perú celebradas en junio de 2016. Durante el experimento, la tecnología Emotient FACET codificó las micro expresiones faciales de los participantes.
Los resultados revelan que la tendencia política del votante influye en la intensidad de sus emociones positivas cuando el líder político emite un mensaje desafiante. Las estrategias retóricas y las conductas no verbales que acompañan a este tipo de mensajes enfatizan el discurso y persuaden a la audiencia.
Los hallazgos sugieren que el sesgo del género en las actitudes hacia las mujeres que participan en política existe y esto podría cambiar la relación encontrada, influenciando las emociones negativas cuando una candidata mujer expresa un mensaje desafiante. Se discuten las implicaciones de los resultados para lograr el éxito político.
El estudio realiza un aporte metodológico al aplicar un protocolo experimental basado en la tecnología Emotient FACET a un contexto político, permitiendo así una medida más directa y objetiva de las respuestas emocionales de los votantes.
The resurgence of right-wing parties and movements in almost all Member States of the European Union seems to indicate an escalating crisis not only of the European…
The resurgence of right-wing parties and movements in almost all Member States of the European Union seems to indicate an escalating crisis not only of the European political project, but also of the societal fabric across Europe. In order to better comprehend its origins, it is important to understand how the identification of citizens with the EU is being shaped and challenged by attitudes including rising nationalism, Euroscepticism and anti-immigration feelings. While the focus during the current political crises has been overwhelmingly on statements and policies made by politicians, parties and institutions, this chapter instead studies the perceptions of the ‘common people’ and how they construct their identities within the European discourse, thus closing an important research gap.
This contribution is based on empirical data gathered during a large-scale project called Restorative Circles for Citizens in Europe, financed by the Europe for Citizens programme of the European Commission. Between January and June 2017, individuals from different walks of life came together in Trebnitz and Berlin to talk about ‘their’ Europe. Originally envisaged as an opportunity for dialogue between Eurosceptics and pro-Europeans, it soon revealed that there are many nuances in these attitudes. The presence of members and sympathisers of populist and right-wing movements and parties in the meetings changed the communication dynamics, and offered a unique opportunity to observe how (bottom-up) identity is constructed and what impact it has. This contribution analyses the extensive collected data.
The paper starts with a brief review of the notion of ‘asymmetric warfare’ and asymmetric answers in the rhetoric of Soviet leaders. The point to be stressed is that the…
The paper starts with a brief review of the notion of ‘asymmetric warfare’ and asymmetric answers in the rhetoric of Soviet leaders. The point to be stressed is that the ‘asymmetric answer’ is always an unequal response by definition. The main idea of such a response is very clear: to eliminate the existing power imbalance at minimal expenses of the weaker side. The threats of ‘asymmetric answers’ on real or imagined international challenges and dangers have returned to the Russian president rhetoric in early 2000s. What has happened? The range of possible causes of this policy shift varies from the US foreign policy and various geopolitical issues to domestic reasons associated with the elections to come. The paper analyses the main versions. What actions are standing behind the words about the ‘asymmetric answers’ that might shape the landscape of international relations of the first half of the 21st century? The paper highlights this issue and looks onto the observed future of international relations.
Sovereignty retains considerable currency today insofar as it fuses ordinary understandings of the state, the nation, and democracy. Against widespread expectations…
Sovereignty retains considerable currency today insofar as it fuses ordinary understandings of the state, the nation, and democracy. Against widespread expectations, however, the European Union has increasingly harnessed sovereignty as a source of vitality. We are thus witnessing a mainstreaming of populist politics, as the rhetoric of sovereignty no longer disqualifies new EU institutions and policies. This can be better understood if we consider sovereignty, from a constructivist perspective, as an evolving set of practices. First, sovereignty evolves within political and administrative circles, as European officials act to modify longstanding practices of state sovereignty. Second, sovereignty evolves in an increasingly politicized context, as political leaders dramatize EU crises in order to mobilize coalitions around new practices of popular sovereignty. This dual dynamic of state sovereignty and popular sovereignty is demonstrated in the case of the Eurozone and then extrapolated to the current trajectory of the EU polity against the benchmark of US federalism after the Civil War. An open question is whether sovereignty practices in the European Union will continue to evolve without compromising the Union's cosmopolitan and liberal objectives.