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Since the 1970s and 1980s, subsequent waves of so-called ‘new immigration’ have arrived in the United States and Europe. In the United States, this immigration started with the arrival of immigrants and asylum-seekers from Mexico, Central America and Asia. In Europe, the trend began with the influx of Turkish and Moroccan immigrants and continues today with the ongoing refugee crisis. Anti-immigrant politicians on both sides of the Atlantic have adopted exclusionary and often xenophobic rhetoric to further their policies, arguing that these new immigrants and their children cannot assimilate into Western society. A literature review reveals why the classical linear theory of second-generation assimilation is no longer relevant and proposes the contemporary segmented assimilation and comparative integration context theories developed by US and European researchers. A presentation of the findings of two state-of-the-art studies – the CILS project for the United States context and the TIES project for the European context – provides empirical evidence that, despite undeniable obstacles, the new second generation can assimilate into Western education systems and labour markets. Nonetheless, gaps in the existing literature also suggest the need for further research to create a more generalisable theory of second-generation assimilation before appropriate policy measures can be implemented.

Educating students during emergencies is no longer an occasional occurrence; it has become a common scenario due to mass migration, conflict, poverty, health crises, and climate changes. Educating all students worldwide, migrants and refugees included, improves global security and economic viability, and should be the goal for all stakeholders. Using three illustrative case studies, this chapter provides an overview of the fundamental considerations for implementing learning support structures in uncertain and emergency circumstances. It outlines improvements needed to help educators meet today’s requirements for effective quality education during crisis, including overcoming issues with language, culture, curriculum, teacher training, and national and international policies. It also includes implications for higher education, calling for better approaches to address learning deficiencies, particularly given today’s protracted migrant circumstances.

Since 2018, millions of students have mobilised as organisers, advocates and activists for action on global warming in movements like the School Strike 4 Climate. In Australia, an estimated 500,000 school students, some as young as five, and predominantly girls and young women, have taken part in coordinated school strikes, protest actions online and in cities and towns around the country (Hilder & Collin, 2022). While children and young people have long been central to politics, this more recent mass mobilisation raises new questions about how the various new forms of political participation and expression adopted by young people are significantly reshaping political norms, values and practices in ostensibly liberal democratic regimes like Australia. In this chapter, we propose that close attention be given to whether young people’s political views and demands for political recognition, rights and climate justice is re-constituting politics and whatever passes for ‘democracy’ in contemporary societies. Drawing on a study of the student climate movement in Australia, this chapter briefly describes the emergence of the movement globally and locally. Deploying Isin’s notion of ‘acts of citizenship’ (Isin, 2008), we examine the ways young climate activists are engaged in critical, performative, political practice, making claims for political recognition, rights and climate justice.

Cryptocurrency arose, and grew in popularity, following the financial crisis of 2008 built upon a promise of decentralizing money and payments. An examination of the history of money and banking in the United States demonstrates that stable money benefits from strict controls and commitments by a centralized government through chartering restrictions and a broad safety net, rather than decentralization. In addition, financial crises happen when the government allows money creation to occur outside of official channels. The US central bank is then forced into a policy of supporting a range of money-like assets in order to maintain a grip on monetary policy and some semblance of financial stability.

In addition, this chapter argues that cryptocurrency as a form of shadow money shares many of the problematic attributes of both the privately issued bank notes that created instability during the “free banking” era and the “shadow banking” activities that contributed to the 2008 crisis. In this sense, rather than being a novel and disruptive idea, cryptocurrency replicates many of the systemically destabilizing aspects of privately issued money and money-like instruments.

This chapter proposes that, rather than allowing a new, digital “free banking” era to emerge, there are better alternatives. Specifically, it argues that the Federal Reserve (Fed) should use its tools to improve public payment systems, enact robust utility-like regulations for private digital currencies and limit the likelihood of bubbles using prudential measures.