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The purpose of this paper is to describe how religious symbols might impede employees’ motivational cultural intelligence (CQ) in some international contexts, and how multinational managers might employ this knowledge to respond in a manner that mitigates risks to knowledge sharing.

The paper uses several theories (e.g. CQ, social categorization, expectancy, and contact theories) to develop a conceptual model about the nature of the risk to employees’ motivational CQ. It then draws on models of acculturation to explore how multinational corporation managers might respond.

It is conjectured that the salience of religious-based value conflict, learned both vicariously and through direct experiences, will adversely impact motivational CQ, and that the introduction of religious symbols may exacerbate this relationship. A framework of possible interventions is offered, and each intervention approach is evaluated in terms of how it may mitigate or exacerbate the risks raised by the model.

The proposed model requires empirical validation.

Multinationals are advised how (and why) to treat the preservation of motivational CQ as central to any intervention in the conflict over religious symbols.

An uninformed response to controversy over religious symbols could impede knowledge sharing and potentially exacerbate broader societal tensions (UN Global Compact, 2013). Therefore, this paper addresses a clear socio-economic need.

Controversy over the use of religious symbols in the workplace has generated considerable international media attention, but has been neglected by cross-cultural management research.

The purpose of this research paper is to investigate the role of individual and cultural differences, specifically religious motivation and attitudes toward nepotism, in the selection of conflict management styles (obliging, avoiding, forcing, integrating and compromising), in the Middle-Eastern context.

The research surveyed a sample of 588 individuals (both Muslims and Christians), representative of the Jordanian population. Data were analyzed through multiple ANOVAs and multiple regressions.

Results suggest that both religious motivation and attitude toward nepotism affect the choice of conflict management styles, while demographic variables, such as age and gender, do not seem to have an effect.

This paper constitutes one of the first attempts to investigate the conflict management style preferences of a Middle-Eastern society and the role of two important cultural variables, namely, religious motivation and attitudes toward nepotism, which have not been previously investigated by conflict management research.

The present study investigates the relationship between servant and authoritarian leadership, and leaders’ third-party conflict behaviors in followers’ conflicts, thereby contributing to integrating knowledge on leadership styles and leaders’ third-party conflict behaviors. This study aims to investigate leadership and conflict management in a context hardly studied: local religious communities or convents within a female religious organization.

The authors collected quantitative survey data from 453 religious sisters, measuring their perception of leaders’ behaviors. These religious sisters live in local religious communities within a Catholic Women Religious Institute based in Nigeria (West Africa) and in other countries across the globe.

Results show that servant leadership relates positively to leaders’ third-party problem-solving behavior and negatively to leaders’ avoiding and forcing. Moreover, authoritarian leadership relates positively to leaders’ third-party avoiding and forcing behaviors.

This study expands theory development and practices on leadership and leaders’ third-party conflict behaviors. The authors associate servant and authoritarian leadership with leaders’ third-party conflict behaviors: avoiding, forcing and problem-solving, in followers’ conflicts. The authors offer practical recommendations for religious leaders on servant leadership and leaders’ third-party conflict behaviors.

The USA is witnessing a conflict between LGBTQ (lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender and queer) consumers/supporters and Christian fundamentalist service providers/opponents regarding whether service can be denied based on religious values. The purpose of this paper is to make a timely investigation into this conflict between marketplace inclusion (for LGBTQ consumers) and freedom of religion (for religious service providers).

The intersection of marketplace inclusion for LGBTQ consumers and religious freedom for service providers is examined by identifying appropriate strategies that address this conflict and reviewing how differing religious perspectives influence perceptions of LGBTQ consumer rights, all building off the social identity threat literature.

LGBTQ and religious identities often conflict to influence consumer behavior and service provider interactions. Such conflict is heightened when there is a lack of substitutes (i.e. only one service provider in an area for a specific service). Common LGBTQ consumer responses include changing service providers, providing justification for the provision of services and pursing legal recourse. Suggested strategies to address this conflict include highlighting common social identities and using two-sided messages for service providers, using in-group interventions for social groups and using government interventions for public policy.

Research has yet to examine the conflict between marketplace inclusion and religious freedom, particularly for the inclusion of LGBTQ consumers. Thus, this paper provides a novel conceptual model detailing these relationships to stimulate discussion among consumers, service providers, social groups and public policy in addition to serving as a foundation for future research.

This paper aims to explore the relationships between self-construals, religious identification, and conflict styles in India.

Data were gathered in India (n=1,108) among Hindus (n=744) and Muslims (n=364) in various organizations throughout India. Conflict styles were measured using Oetzel's conflict style measure. Self-construal was measured using Singelis' self-construal measure. Pearson correlations and multiple regressions were conducted.

Correlation analysis showed significant negative correlation between the independent and interdependent self-construal. Multiple hierarchical regression modeling demonstrated significant interactions between religious identification, self-construal, and conflict style. Hindus are more likely to dominate in conflict situations, while Muslims are more likely to avoid conflict and prefer more group-oriented conflict styles.

Self-report measure is a possible limitation and the sample is religiously homogeneous.

The results of this study could assist community organizers and others who work in conflict mediation resolve conflict among religious groups.

Few studies have examined conflict styles in India and this study employs a macro and micro-level approach to the study of conflict.

The current work aims to introduce the concept of conflict perception and construct a scale that measures individual differences in perceptions about conflicts along religious, national and material dimensions. The concept and the measure are developed in the context of the Israeli–Palestinian conflict.

The research design combines three methodological elements: 14 focus groups in Israel and the West Bank, which represent diversity in place of residence, religion, age and political background; an expert panel review; and a survey of 411 student respondents that was conducted between September 29 and October 9, 2013, among university students in Israel and Palestine.

The findings show that conflict perception is an individual’s subjective view regarding the essence of the conflict and its central issues, the identities of the parties involved and their motivations, which may include material, ideological or symbolic motives, or any combination thereof. A novel scale consisting of five statements that can measure conflict perception that was developed, validated and implemented via a survey sample showed that Palestinians in the West Bank and in Israel have a religious perception of the conflict, whereas Jews have a national perception of the conflict.

First, the paper introduces a new concept that sheds additional light on the micro foundations of peoples’ attitudes in conflict situations. Second, it develops and validates a measurement tool for conflict perception that may be usable, with necessary adjustments, in other conflicts. Third, it demonstrates that parties to the conflict do not necessarily share similar perceptions about the conflict, a finding with far-reaching consequences for conflict resolution at both the scholarly and policy levels.

This study seeks to examine the influence of national and religious identification on conflict styles among Christians and Muslims in Western Europe.

Data were gathered in France, Germany and the UK (n=909) in 2008. Conflict was measured using Oetzel's Conflict Style Measure. To test the hypothesis and answer the research questions, multiple regression models were constructed.

National and religious identification had a significant influence on conflict style preference. Muslims prefer more compromising and obliging conflict styles, while Christians prefer the dominating style. France is more dominating than Germany or the UK. Significant interactions revealed how individuals' religion and national identification influence conflict styles.

The use of self‐report instruments is the primary limitation.

Individuals' lived experiences have a significant influence on their conflict preference. The results in France, Germany and the UK point to varied ethnic and religious lived experiences.

The primary social impact of this paper is that it informs individuals and governments of the effects of religion on individuals' management of conflict. In the wake of the bombings of September 11, the 2005 French riots, and the 2005 London bombings, understanding the potential influence of religion on the management and conceptualization of conflict offers vast societal impacts for society at large.

There are few studies in conflict that examine the influence of religion and/or national identification. Moreover, this is one of the few studies to examine how Muslims manage conflict.

Different worldviews have been posed as constraining to information sharing. Religion is one element that constitutes the way people view the world. In many countries, religion has become a source for violent conflicts. This study investigates how Christians and Muslims in Ambon, Indonesia shared information at cafes situated at border areas and it helped the two religious communities reconcile their different worldviews after over a decade of living in conflicts.

Informed by information grounds theory, this study analyzes data collected through a series of observation at three cafes situated at border areas and in-depth interviews with 31 informants. The analysis illuminates the processes that enable Christians and Muslims to exchange their different worldviews.

This study found that, after the conflict, Christian and Muslim communities longed for the interaction they had with the other as it was before the conflict. However, these same communities tended to remain in there religiously homogenous environments as there was a conception that the others' area was unsafe. Cafés at the borders became platforms to fulfill the need to meet with the other, promoting inter-religious interactions. At the cafés, an array of information was shared to establish mutual interests, from which more meaningful interpersonal relationships such as friendship and collaboration arose. Such relationships allowed regular visitors to exchange worldviews, re-stitching the broken social fabric in post-conflict Ambon.

This study expands the applicability of information grounds theory to the context of a religious conflict in Southeast Asia. It demonstrates processes of how continuous interactions at information grounds can gradually facilitate communities with adversarial relationships to exchange their different worldviews.

This study sets out to examine conflict style preferences in India and the predictive effects of various demographic variables on conflict style preference.

Data were gathered in India (n=827) among Muslims and Hindus. Conflict was measured using Oetzel's Conflict Style Measure. To answer the research questions, repeated measures ANOVA and multiple regressions were conducted.

The findings reveal that conflict style preference among Hindus in India differs significantly and that Hindus prefer the integrating and dominating styles, whilst showing the least inclination towards the avoiding and obliging styles. Muslims prefer the integrating and compromising styles and least prefer the dominating and avoiding styles. Analyses of the demographic variables' predictive influence reveal that age and sex are significant predictors for all five conflict styles for both Muslims and Hindus. Education has a mixed predictive influence on conflict style among Hindus and Muslims.

Use of self‐report instruments and the majority of the participants coming from middle‐class backgrounds could limit the generalizability of the study.

The study calls for conflict mediators to consider the influence of group membership and educational level on conflict management/resolution. The research also discusses national/international conflict intervention.

This paper informs individuals regarding the way in which two large religious and cultural groups differ in their approaches to conflict. For a nation that has experienced a history of conflict between these two cultural/religious groups, this paper can help shed light on how to bridge the conflict between them.

There are no studies directly comparing the conflict styles of Muslims and Hindus.

The purpose of this paper is to analyse the effects of socio-demographic factors on ethnic tolerance (ET) and religious tolerance (RT) as well as the participation of the local community in peacebuilding in post-ethnic violent conflicts in a multi-cultural society.

This research was conducted in the rural areas of Indonesia, on the basis of an empirical study that was performed in Lampung, a province at the southern tip of Sumatra. Data were collected through a survey of 500 respondents from five districts susceptible to ethnic conflicts. From each district, two villages that experienced ethnic conflicts were chosen and from each village, 50 respondents were randomly selected. To strengthen the explanation of quantitative data, in-depth interviews were also conducted with another 50 residents, five informants from each of ten villages. Informants comprised community leaders or traditional leaders, local police officers, local military officers and district government officials.

First, the degree of tolerance is not specifically concentrated in the socio-demographic characteristics. Second, ET affects RT. Third, local community participation in peacebuilding in post-ethnic violent conflicts is not influenced by the socio-demographic characteristics but is influenced by ET and RT. The socio-cultural approach is the main strategy for peacebuilding in post-ethnic (and religious) conflicts in multi-cultural societies. The weakness of inter-ethnic relations soon improves in the post-peace period through the reconstruction of social and cultural factors to strengthen social cohesion and social capital at the local community level by involving various stakeholders

This paper is a valuable source of information regarding current research on the role of local communities in strengthening and building peace in post-ethnic violent conflicts in multi-cultural societies.