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The purpose of this paper is to explore the legislative framework that governs whistleblowing in the UAE.

The paper examines social perceptions and practical challenges related to the act of whistleblowing. It focuses on the effectiveness, limitations and implications of the current legal status of whistleblowing in the UAE.

The UAE does not have a unified legal framework that governs whistleblowing and whistleblower protections like in the case of the USA. Therefore, there is an urgent need for comprehensive federal regulations that will apply to all sectors across the entire UAE. Each emirate and economic zone can then model their whistleblowing regulations against the federal law to ensure consistency and uniformity in application. The UAE will also benefit from public awareness and education programs to address the conservative culture that discourages whistleblowing. Most importantly, corporate governance and culture are central to the success of existing laws considering the overreliance on organizations and employees.

The paper provides a robust and analytical discussion of the whistleblowing laws and regulations in the UAE to dissect current practices and implications for future practice.

Stockbrokers’ frauds in India frequently occur, causing investors significant financial loss. This study aims to unfold the various dubious practices adopted by stock brokers in the recent past to defraud investors and the necessary corrective regulations passed by the market regulator to prevent and detect fraud.

The authors conduct exploratory research using a collective model of literature review, case studies and regulatory changes.

The authors find tightening the system’s loopholes and strengthening the regulatory system using technology helps in the early detection and prevention of fraud. Media activism and investors’ awareness play a role in reducing incidences of fraud.

This study unfolds the practices followed by stock brokers to defraud investors, indicative of regulatory gaps and enforcement lapses. Regulators are evolving a robust system to curb these practices and make them on par with international standards. But, it has a long way to go.

Robust fraud detection and prevention mechanism is desirable to restore investors’ confidence in the stock market. Regulators should focus on investors’ protection and education and whistleblowers’ protection. Compared to the market regulators worldwide, the Securities and Exchange Board of India has less power to identify, detect and punish fraudulent brokers and needs to be empowered.

Besides the regulatory changes, strict enforcement and investor campaigns are required to increase public awareness and restore trust in the stock market to combat the recurrence of fraud.

This paper can be helpful to regulators, investors and financial intermediaries like stock brokers and aid in strengthening the reliability of capital markets and restoring investors’ confidence.

The purpose of this study is threefold: to pilot research on the role that trauma-healing and resilience play in developing futures consciousness/literacy; to explore how this informs the coloniality of sexuality; and to engage economically marginalised young gay and bisexual men in exploring future scenarios for the wider LGBTQI+ community in Kenya.

This study used participatory action research to pilot the study. Workshop sessions focused on exploratory futures using an integral futures framework. Futures tools used consisted of the futures triangle, polak game and a two-by-two matrix scenario building exercise.

Participants found that previous psychosocial support and mental health counselling enabled them to address past traumas, find healing and begin a productive journey of unpacking their understanding of agency and engage with developing personal and communal futures thinking – all prerequisites for effectively addressing decoloniality.

This research represents the only study of the four-way intersection of trauma-healing, futures consciousness/literacy, the queer community in Africa and decoloniality and coloniality of sexuality.

The aim of this article is to highlight the major part played by executives in the escalation of corporate social irresponsibility (CSI). Based on the upper echelons theory, the authors developed a model which shows the essential role of CEOs in explaining CSI. The authors proposed that the key personality traits of CEOs—narcissism—, as well as their power, could explain the degree of CSI.

Due to the significant methodological challenges when investigating CSI, the authors explored a novel method for measuring CSI in order to assess the degree of irresponsible behaviors. The authors build a CSI scale based on the perceptions of key informants, i.e. experts with diverse professional backgrounds. The authors apply CSI scale in a sample of 84 Spanish companies that were involved in CSI.

The results of the authors’ empirical study show the positive and significant influence of CEO narcissism and CEO power on the degree of CSI.

On the one hand, corporate irresponsibility scandals have relevant social consequences and practical implications. On the other hand, narcissism is a natural feature of managers in top positions that is increasing in societies.

The authors’ findings may help CEOs, TMTs and corporate boards to acknowledge potential sources of CSI decreasing its likelihood through counterbalancing CEO's power and considering the dark side of narcissism.

On the one hand, corporate scandals have relevant social and practical implications. On the other hand, narcissism is a natural feature of managers in top positions that is increasing in societies.

In this paper, the authors highlight the role of CEOs characteristics and their firms as the key actors for explaining and understanding the degree of CSI.

本研究擬強調行政主管在加劇企業無社會責任感上所扮演的主要角色。我們根據高層梯隊理論, 開發了一個模型, 來顯示執行長如何在解釋企業無社會責任感上所起的關鍵作用。我們提出一個見解, 就是: 執行長的主要人格特質-自戀和其權力-或許能解釋企業無社會責任感的程度。

由於面對在關於企業無社會責任感的研究法上的重大挑戰, 我們探索了一個估量企業無社會責任感的新穎方法, 以能對企業無社會責任感行為的程度進行評估。我們根據主要的資訊提供者的觀念和看法, 制定了一個企業無社會責任感的等級 (這些主要的資訊提供者均為具有不同專業背景的專家), 我們在84間西班牙公司的樣本裡, 使用了這企業無社會責任感等級, 而這些公司均涉及企業無社會責任感的。

我們這實證研究的結果顯示, 執行長的自戀和其權力, 對企業無社會責任感的程度, 起著正面和顯著的影響。

在本學術論文裡, 我們強調了執行長的特徵和他們的公司, 是瞭解和解釋企業無社會責任感的程度的關鍵行為者。

一方面, 企業無社會責任感的醜聞會帶來相關的社會後果和實務方面的影響;而另一方面, 自戀是高層主管的自然特徵, 而這些特徵, 在我們的社會裡不斷增強。本研究的結果, 或許可幫助執行長、高層管理團隊和公司董事會去承認企業無社會責任感的潛在原因, 並以透過平衡執行長的權力和考慮自戀的陰暗面而減低企業無社會責任感產生的可能。

Faraoyść is a translinguistic portmanteau neologism that describes the moment when oppressive systems are shaken and appear to be coming to an end, and joyful, liberated worlds feel within reach. The purpose of this research is to demonstrate that faraoyść helped participants helped participants to expand their situated imaginings, which increased their capacity to imagine decolonized worlds.

This research was guided by faraoyść as a conceptual framework that explores the empirical experience of joy through collaborative world-building activities. These praxis-based exercises were tested in a series of workshops both at the 2020 UNESCO Futures Literacy Summit and in collaboration with Negligence Refugees from Lebanon.

When activated by collaboratively designed speculative objects and stories generated through the lens of faraoyść, participants created spaces of rhizomatic world-building that allowed them to imagine beyond the boundaries of their situated imaginings. Once participants had mapped the ways their imaginations were limited by current colonial systems of power, they were able to reorient their roles and develop new means to act within decolonized systems.

Faraoyść is a novel conceptual framework that contributes to current movements to decolonize futuring and foresight. This paper also introduces the concepts of rhizomatic world-building – an emergent approach to co-imagination, and situated imaginings, which are the systemic frameworks within which one imagines the ways the world has, is, will and must work. In practice, faraoyść is grounded in abundance and the power of liberatory joy to strengthen and celebrate local traditions, storytelling, world-building and community power.

The purpose of this article is to provide a critical account of the hate crime (HC) paradigm by exploring its historical legal definition and the limitations in addressing the multiple and structural discriminations faced by minority groups. Specifically, the article focuses on the case of Italy, where in recent years a fierce debate over a proposed law on HC against LGBT+ and disabled people ended in its rejection due to neoconservative and Catholic opposition.

Drawing on critical socio-criminological literature on HC, the paper analyses the Italian debates and socio-legal context over the past two decades regarding discrimination against LGBT+ groups and its (lack of) criminalization. It also provides a secondary analysis of recent data on violence and discrimination against LGBT+ people, collected by the Fundamental Rights Agency (FRA).

The analysis of the debate and the data collected shows that the criminal definition of HC is insufficient to capture the wider range of social and cultural violence and discrimination against LGBT+ people. Indeed, data analysis shows the effect of the low level of recognition of rights on the propensity of people to denounce and of social practitioners to recognize, discrimination and violence against LGBT+ people. It is therefore argued that the discussion on HC should move beyond the criminalization of individual violence to be entrenched in a broader reflection over the lack of recognition of sexual citizenship rights which perpetuates the vulnerability of LGBT+ people.

This paper contributes to the international socio-criminological debate on HC. It argues for a comprehensive framework that recognizes the structural nature of discrimination and violence against vulnerable groups by framing discrimination and violence against LGBT+ people as a citizenship right rather than a criminal justice issue.

This paper aims to scrutinize some determinants that affect the functions and roles of contemporary parliaments. In particular, such parliaments attempt to involve in new areas that were not represented in parliamentary study and to play new roles in the areas of development, diplomacy, the establishment of post-conflict peace rules and achieving the objectives of the sustainable development. The study found that the most important determinants affecting the new roles of contemporary parliaments are the constitutional and legal frameworks.

This paper adopts three basic methodologies so as to reach some applicable scientific findings that can be generalized. The researcher has used the descriptive methodology, to shed light on the parliament’s various activities and new roles and to take note of the many surrounding factors and available dimensions that enable parliaments to perform such roles. The researcher has also used the comparative methodology, to study parliaments with a view to identifying their roles in a way that includes their similarities and dissimilarities and the possibility of generalizing the outputs.

The paper has reached many findings, the most important of which are: first, the need to present appropriate amendments to the constitutions to give space to parliaments to play more effective and influential roles. Second, the internal regulations of parliaments must be in line with the attitudes and aspirations of the parliament and its members, giving appropriate cover for playing new roles in various areas.

This study has found that contemporary parliaments can play new roles in various fields, whether internal or external and in different sectors as well, as a result of the great developments and complexities introduced around the world. Such developments and complexities have cast a shadow on governments and affected their abilities in dealing with the issues immediately because of the enormous challenges in addition to the ongoing developments occurring to the legislative systems in the world, at the technical level of the departments and secretariats of contemporary parliaments or for members of Parliament and the institution as a whole.

The new roles of contemporary parliaments have been affected by the determinants of the research, which are the constitutional framework, the legislative framework, the relationship between Parliament and civil society and the relationship between Parliament and the government. These factors cast a shadow over the expansion or contraction of the attempts of modern parliaments to play new roles.

This study has found that contemporary parliaments can play social roles in various fields of a social nature, which is find solutions to the problems experienced by societies emerging from civil wars, which need national reconciliation, for example, the reconciliation of the ethnic tribes carried out by the Iraqi council of representatives between the local tribes to resolve the internal problems, in addition the role of Borondian council by it is trying end the conflict between the tribes of Hotsi and Tutsi.

The importance of the study stems from the fact that it focuses on the most important determinants of the new roles of contemporary parliaments that may be conducted outside the traditional framework of the parliament's study of legislation and supervision. Such contemporary parliaments have played new roles that take the form of political, economic, social, humanitarian, diplomatic and environmental works and other works concerned with the climate and their attempts to end internal and external conflicts and disputes.

Although India is seen as a key player in the global economy, it is still below its potential level of growth. In this age of globalism, integration with the global economy through trade and foreign investments fosters domestic growth. For India, although this integration has strengthened over the years, there are certain gaps that remain to be addressed. Though numerous studies in the literature have tried to find answers to these questions, an important aspect that has not been considered by these studies relates to India’s federal structure and the role of states in determining the aggregate economic outcome. As Foreign Direct Investment (FDI) inflows to India are concentrated in a few states, this paper aims to provide an assessment of the reasons behind this trend.

This paper aims to investigate the reasons behind the interstate differences with respect to FDI inflows in India. The analytical work undertaken for this paper is based on secondary data, collected and collated from various sources. The approach adopted for this paper includes a heat graph analysis to examine whether there is a clear pattern in terms of the state-specific factors for high FDI states versus the low FDI states. This data analysis is followed by an econometric estimation to gauge the impact of state-specific factors in determining the FDI inflows.

As per the secondary data–driven heat graph and econometric analysis, factors like industrial output, social sector expenditure, judicial quality, connectivity indicators, labor cost and availability of credit, act as differentiators between high and low FDI-receiving states. It then becomes imperative to bridge the gap between the two sets of states in terms of these specific factors. Implementation and success of policy interventions can only be derived at the state level and therefore needs more decentralized approach.

This paper tries to identify the reasons that are responsible for FDI inflows being concentrated in a few Indian states. This involves a comprehensive analysis of several variables to understand whether there is a clear pattern where high-FDI states are also in a better position with respect to these attributes. This effort to factor in the federal aspect of a macroeconomic indicator like FDI provides new dynamic to this area of work.

This paper aims to analyze what Samarco and Brazilian magazines speak and say about Mariana’s environmental crime. Discover their doxa in this subject. Interpret the speakings, sayings and doxas through the theories of the treadmills of production, crime and law.

It is a qualitative and documental research and a narrative analysis. Regarding the documents: 45 were from public authorities, 14 from Samarco Mineração S.A. and 73 from Brazilian magazines. Theoretically, the authors resorted to Bourdieusian sociology (speaking, saying and doxa) and the treadmills of production, crime and law theories.

Samarco: speaking – mission statements; saying – detailed information and economic and financial concerns; doxa – assistance discourse. Brazilian magazines: speaking – external agents; saying – agreements; doxa – attribution, aggravations, historical facts, impacts and protests.

The absence of discussions that addressed this fatality, with its respective consequences, from an agenda that exposed and denounced how it exacerbated race, class and gender inequalities.

Regarding Mariana’s environmental crime: Samarco Mineração S.A. speaks and says through the treadmill of production theory and supports its doxa through the treadmill of crime theory, and Brazilian magazines speak and say through the treadmill of law theory and support their doxa through the treadmill of crime theory.

To provoke reflections on the relationship between the mining companies and the communities where they settle to develop their productive activities.

Concerning environmental crime in perspective, submit it to a theoretical interpretation based on sociological references, approach it in a debate linked to environmental criminology, and describe it through narratives exposed by the guilty company and by Brazilian magazines with high circulation.

The purpose of this paper is to examine the nature of cyberbullying and corresponding strategies being used under the New United Arab Emirates (UAE) Cybercrimes Law.

The analysis begins with a review of the nature of cyberbullying, focusing primarily on key concepts, underlying risk factors, forms of cyberbullying and adverse effects. Background information about the nature of cyberbullying will then lay the foundation for the subsequent sections of the analysis, which will focus on preventive strategies and legislative measures. The second section of the analysis will entail a review of the legislative framework for cyberbullying in the UAE. The goal here is to examine how the UAE is responding to the emerging threat of cyberbullying in its jurisdiction. The next section will then shift gears to interventions and strategies being implemented at the global level. A global perspective is central to comparing practices in the UAE to international standards and regulations.

Findings from the analysis have shown that the UAE has the most robust and comprehensive cyberbullying laws internationally. Nonetheless, the New Cybercrimes Law is ambiguous, and it is not expressively specific to cyberbullying. The law does not have a clear definition of cyberbullying, as well as the scope of its application to specific cases involving students. A comparative analysis across jurisdictions has revealed that most countries neither have specific cyberbullying laws nor explicitly define the phenomenon in existing laws. Thus, cyberbullying is a gray area in the UAE national law, requiring a clear definition and scope of application. The courts will establish case law that will finally address the current definitional challenges and extend of applying the New Cybercrimes Law.

The analysis concludes with the application of international best standards and practices to the UAE context, focusing specifically on how to strengthen laws and procedures in the UAE.