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This study aims to contribute to discussions on peace between hostile nonmajor powers by focusing on the behavior of major powers. Specifically, alliances between nonmajor and major powers are explored to determine whether such ties contribute to transitions to higher levels of peace. Moreover, systemic factors involving power dynamics and relationships between major powers are also evaluated.

Multiple data sets which altogether covered the era from 1816 to 2010 were analyzed. All pairs of countries that were former foes were considered. Cox hazard regression was conducted.

Systemic instability is influential at transitions from lowest levels of peace for nonmajor power dyads. Eras where major powers are operating multilaterally appear to play a highly limited role in nonmajor powers attaining stable peace. However, alliances with major powers are relatively more crucial in these discussions for nonmajor powers and contribute to higher levels of peace being attained by nonmajor powers.

Further research in particular with case studies can help to elucidate and extend the statistical findings.

Based on the findings, the design and operations of alliances can create more space to hear a wider range of issues that allies can be facing.

While major powers clearly have considerable capacity and global outreach, there has been little attention to whether and how they contribute to former foes attaining higher quality of peace.

Why have so many overlapping regional institutions been established in the Asia-Pacific? Is there any possibility of a convergence of these institutions into a single (or a few) “authoritative” regional institution(s)? What implications do the emerging overlapping regional institutions have for an evolving regional architecture in Asia? I argue first that the proliferation of regional institutions reflects complicated strategies taken by the countries to respond to the increased insecurity and uncertainty caused by the structural changes. Second, the countries of the region are taking a variety of national strategies through regional institutions, ranging from engagement to soft balancing and risk-hedging, to respond to these changes. Third, all the states of the region want to maintain a variety of institutional choices to respond to their uncertain futures. Fourth, what makes the institution-building so complicated lies in the fact that there are two major (and uncertain) powers to whom the regional countries have to respond through regional institutions: the United States and China. This makes the bargaining game for regional institution-building more complicated and competitive. Fifth, the amalgamation or convergence of the existing institutions into a single (or few) “authoritative” institution(s) through “institutional competition” will not take place in the foreseeable future. Sixth, the countries of the region may engage in “forum shopping.” Seventh, the roles of these institutions have been and will be quite modest. However, the regional institutions could to some extent contribute to moderating inter-state tensions and putting institutional constraints on the deviant behaviors of member countries.

Building on the steps to war model, this paper seeks to examine the impact that territorial Militarized Interstate Disputes (MID) have on the time it takes a dyad to go to war after it experiences its first MID.

A model common to epidemiological research, the hazard model, is employed to examine the dyadic relationship from the time of the first MID forward. This is an improvement to dyadic analysis, as most research examines the characteristics of individual MIDs in isolation.

Dyads with a history of territorial MIDs go to war much more quickly than dyads without a history of territorial MIDs. Future research should explore the relationship between territory, war, and power status to test the assertion that minor power states engage in power politics behavior less frequently.

Conflict resolution measures need to be employed more quickly when states have unresolved territorial issues. Mediation generally does not occur quickly, which may explain why territorial issues are less likely to be referred to mediators and less successfully mediated. The results presented herein highlight the need for flexible, quick responses to certain crises and the need to settle borders and other territorial disputes permanently to avoid war.

The paper tests a critical component of the steps to war model and examines the assertion that the historical relationship between states affects conflict decisions.

The coronavirus crisis has a huge impact on how we work, learn and even live; the purpose of the study is to bring insights on different approaches to deal with challenging situation like COVID-19. For this reason, the study will facilitate to develop understanding on how to conquer the hurdle of business continuity during challenging times, along with dealing of other challenges like ensuring health and well-being of employees, abiding by the regulation and guidelines, prioritizing the need and handling of different resources (most importantly human).

The data was collected from case study organization during May 2020. For data collection, various internal documents from the case study organization were referred, including various report, circulars, guidelines, office information note. Further, press release and information from website of the case company were also explored. The interview of different group of decision makers (i.e. top management, human resource managers and head at plant sites) was also performed during data collection.

The study has initiated to identify with the approach of the case company to deal with the COVID-19 pandemic and to overcome the challenges posed by unprecedented crisis.

The COVID-19 crisis has underlined the significance of the power utilities, as electricity is critical to ensure the smooth functioning of various sectors of the economy. Considering the importance of power sector for economy, this article has taken to investigate the crisis management model of one of India’s major power producer companies.

By deconstructing centres and peripheries in Australian history curricula, the purpose of this paper is to establish in what ways these documents blended local, state‐specific concepts of major civilisations with trans‐local, and even global cultural assumptions about centre and periphery in world history.

The paper identifies a specific idea of centres in the 2009 Shape of the Australian Curriculum published by the National Curriculum Board. It demanded that “[s]tudents should have an appreciation of the major civilisations of Europe, Asia, Africa, America and Australia”. The idea of five groups of “major civilisations” is used to frame an analysis of history curricula from Western Australia and New South Wales. Syllabi from these States are used as examples because they demonstrate oppositional positions, geographically and in their approach to history teaching. Only senior secondary syllabi exhibit a continuous development of the subject history in most Australian states and territories. Hence, the paper deconstructs history syllabi for Years 11 and 12 and discusses in what ways a discourse between centre and periphery can be identified.

The author proposes a concept of a global centre in history curricula, which is found in multifaceted expressions at the peripheries.

Fully acknowledging that syllabi emerge from a web of local influences, which include state‐specific social, political, economic, and administrative factors, the paper adds a global perspective to the understanding of Australian history curricula which draws on the idea of cultural power.

The aim of this paper is to examine the impact of the digital culture on the music industries through an analysis of official and unofficial web sites, media reports and discussions with musicians.

A critical social theory approach is adopted to examine structures and processes related to communication between artists, fans, the media, as well as commercial and independent labels. The authors draw upon Habermas' theory using the concept of “communicative action” to inform an analysis of three vignettes or short case studies.

At first glance it would appear that technology has brought about greater opportunities for independent musicians to communicate, network, promote and distribute, which previously could not be widely published, and to organise against the commercial power of major labels (Majors).

In many spheres of the music industries this “empowerment” does not appear to be realised. For example, previous studies have shown that the domination of the Majors continues to impact on local music scenes to restrict and ultimately prevent the creative ideal deliver a situation that is necessary to empower independent musicians. Current media manipulation and corporate interests restrict and alienate independent musicians who often have more of an intellectual ownership and culture within their local music communities.

Although steps to enable improved visibility and cooperation have been made we are still a long way off musicians having a powerful enough voice to organise against the commercial power of the large labels and media conglomerates (e.g. Apple i‐Tunes). The ideal speech situation remains elusive and the hegemonic state remains unchallenged.

Music continues to be commodified and fans are increasingly constructed as “consumers”; the ultimate power remains in mass media and broadcasting rather than independent “narrowcast” and DIY artistry.

This paper extends debate on the impact of the developing “digital culture” focusing on independent musicians and the music industries. It raises issues for further research in this area.

The aim of this paper is to analyse the recent changes in the role played by Africa as a traditional natural resources supplier for the world economy in a multipolar context. We highlight, on the one hand, how Africa remains a prominent supplier of critical minerals needed for information and communication technologies (ICT), including platinum, vanadium, coltan, chromium, manganese, zirconium, etc., and how the boomerang effect results in Africa also importing electronic waste. On the other hand, we show how the BRICS’ growth model, based on a very intensive use of natural resources acquired through international trade, is now being fuelled by Africa too. BRICS countries (especially China and India) are making foreign direct investments in Africa using their state companies to ensure the supply of natural resources under favourable economic terms. Thus, Africa appears as a disputed territory between the old domination of the advanced capitalist countries and emerging powers like the BRICS. However, this should not mask the fact that the European Union and North America are still the dominant foreign powers in the continent. Finally, we discuss which scenarios are open to further this multipolar moment, particularly in the wake of the great crisis.

Economic diplomacy refers to methods and processes by which states take advantage of cross-border economic activities to achieve their national interests. It makes connections between the sphere of corporate players, who export or invest abroad, and the sphere of diplomats, who represent the state on the international scene and implement geopolitical decisions. The main purpose of this paper is to provide an overall and coherent framework for asking, classifying and discussing the main issues raised by economic diplomacy. It investigates concepts such as national interest, power and influence. It surveys the relevant literature and deals with various expressions of economic diplomacy such as export promotion agencies, economic role of embassies and consulates, or international economic sanctions. It analyzes the two-way relationship between international economics and international politics, which is at the core of economic diplomacy, and tries to answer the following questions: on the global scene, is diplomacy just accompanying the economy? Is diplomacy driving the economy?

In this article the mathematical formula of entropy is used to evaluate the degree of anarchy specific to multipolar, bipolar, and balance of power international political systems. Several entropic properties characteristic to these systems are deduced, and it is proved that alliances decrease international systems' entropy. Each international system it is observed is characterized by a specific amount of structural strain, and that under the assumptions of structural neo‐realism the entropy and structural strain move in opposite ways. On the basis of these findings a few properties regarding the stability of international systems are divided and the effects of alliances on international structural strain are examined. In the last part of the paper theoretical conclusions are tested against three empirical cases – the Cold War bipolar system, the XIXth Century European system, and the current one. The article ends with several methodological suggestions regarding a possible generalization of the entropic model.

This study aims to examine the relationships between power, relationship commitment and customer integration by replicating and extending Zhao et al. (2008) in China and the USA.

This study collects data from 210 manufacturers in China and 202 manufacturers in the USA. In this study, structural equation modelling is used to analyse the data.

This study finds that normative relationship commitment is positively associated with customer integration and expert and referent power are positively associated with normative relationship commitment in China and the USA. Reward and coercive power are positively associated with instrumental relationship commitment in China, whereas referent power is negatively associated. Referent, legal legitimate and reward power are positively associated with instrumental relationship commitment in the USA, whereas expert and legitimate power are negatively associated.

This study provides empirical evidence on the distinct impacts of different bases of mediated and non-mediated power in China and the USA, contributing to the development of the power-relationship commitment theory. The findings also provide insights into where and when the theory applies. The results can provide guidelines for managers to adjust the use of power to improve relationship commitment and customer integration in China and the USA.