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Cluster analysis is applied to the union and employer tactics used in a sample of Ontario organising campaigns to identify the combinations of tactics or strategies that are used most often. Seven union organising strategies and five employer resistance strategies are revealed. Contingency table analysis shows that the union and employer strategies are not independent of one another. More active campaigns by one side (in terms of more tactics used) are met by more active campaigns by the other side. Regression analysis is used to estimate the effects of the strategies on the outcome of the organising campaign. The most active strategies, including intensive communication with workers and worker committees, work best for the employers. For unions, strategies emphasising personal communication through house calls are the most effective.

As moderators of the health campaign process, involvement is divided into enduring and situational involvement. Based on the review of interdisciplinary literatures, a new health campaign model and optimal strategies are proposed. The new model has two dimensions (enduring and situational involvement) and four strategies: an affect‐evoking, an information‐oriented, a cue‐emphasizing, and a balanced‐argument strategy. For the empirical research, a 262 experiment with 143 undergraduate students using four different advertisements was conducted. Generally, the moderating effects of both enduring and situational involvement were supported. Regardless of some deviations from the proposed model, optimal strategies fit into the designated involvement level. Public relations practitioners will be able to choose the optimal message strategy after identifying the characteristic of targeted publics for health‐related campaigns.

Most studies of postcommunist Eastern Europe provide macro-economic and political analyses of the democratic transition. This paper uses the case of feminists publicizing efforts around domestic violence in Slovakia to explore how people express and sustain collective action in transitional democracies without established traditions of civic engagement. The analysis is situated in the complex historical juncture of the 1990s, which includes Slovakia's impending admission to the European Union, while its population remains politically apathetic and suspicious of mass movements and organizations as a result of the country's communist legacy. Drawing on participant observation and in-depth interviews, it is argued that feminists’ strategic issue networks in the particular historical circumstances facilitated the speedy criminalization of domestic violence, but could not generate a cultural transformation of public and political attitudes. Sudden progressive legislative changes and the simplistic marketing campaign in a conservative political climate impeded the diffusion of a feminist definition of violence against women in related policy areas.

Notes that political marketing has become the subject of an increasing number of academic publications, but the subject of marketing a business proposition to a political audience such as government ‐ political lobbying ‐ has received less attention in this literature. Marketing business to government is generally evaluated more in the context of impact on legislators and regulators ‐ how to sell a case in political terms ‐ than from the point of view of the wide range of pressures on a business organizing itself to do so. Argues that the principles and ways of analysing the development of a political campaign have direct application to the analysis of lobbying campaigns. Examines in outline the successful 1993 bid by Devonport Management Ltd for the Trident refitting contract, drawing some lessons on the development of a specific lobbying campaign from the point of view of a business, employing concepts recognizable to marketing professionals. Describes the process of development of the Devonport “product”, the formulation and implementation of strategy and the monitoring and control of that strategy. Draws some conclusions about the lessons for successful development of a lobbying campaign to government by business, and proposes a research agenda is. Re‐emphasizing the importance of political marketing to business requires the recognition that Parliament is only one of a number of forums for activity and successful lobbying depends on an understanding of all these forums drawing on a range of analytical business skills. Seeks to illustrate some connections between the disciplines of marketing, political communications and lobbying.

The blogging phenomenon has become a primary mode of mainstream communication for the Web 2.0 era. While previous studies found that campaign web sites did not realise two‐way communication ideals, the current study aims to investigate potential differences in communication patterns between campaign blogs and web sites during Taiwan's 2008 general election, with the aim of exploring whether the blogging phenomenon can improve the process of online political communication.

The study used a content analysis approach, the web style analysis method, which was designed specifically for analysing web content, and applied it to an online campaign context in a different political culture, using Taiwan's general election as a case study.

Results indicated that the themes of both campaign blogs and web sites focused on “attacking opponents” rather than focusing on political policies or information on particular issues. However, campaign blogs and web sites significantly differed in all other dimensions, including structural features, functions, interactivity and appeal strategies. Overall, in terms of the online democratic ideal, campaign blogs appeared to allow more democratic, broader, deeper and easier two‐way communication models between candidates and voters or among voters.

The current study focused on candidates' blogs and web sites and did not explore the other vast parts of the online political sphere, particularly independent or citizen‐based blogs, which play significant roles in the decentralised and participant‐networked public spheres.

The study illuminates the role of hyperlinks on campaign blogs. By providing a greater abundance of external links than campaign web sites, campaign blogs allowed more voters, especially younger ones, to share political information in a manner that is quite different from the traditional one‐way communication model. The paper also argues that interactivity measures should be incorporated into the web style analysis method.

The purpose of this paper is to provide an update on the progress of the Campaign to End Loneliness, and aims to illustrate how commissioners can be influenced to address loneliness in their localities.

The paper is a case study that draws upon an external evaluation of the Campaign to End Loneliness by Charities Evaluation Services, a review of local government strategies and case studies of good practice.

This paper focuses on the design, implementation and progress of Loneliness Harms Health, a series of local campaigns targeting health and wellbeing boards. It provides a case study of how evidence-based campaigning influenced newly formed health and wellbeing boards to address loneliness in their localities, and identifies implications for commissioner and provider practice.

This paper demonstrates how to successfully influence commissioning practice using a “pincer” movement of local campaigning, top-down advice and information. It highlights examples of good practice uncovered by the Campaign over the past 18 months including measurement of, and partnership working around, the issue of loneliness in older age. Three recommendations are made for local service providers and commissioners wishing to address loneliness: it should be linked to other priorities, cross-agency partnerships are vital and asset-based approaches can save money. It concludes with information about the future of the Campaign to End Loneliness and information on how to get involved.

This paper provides a detailed analysis of an innovative, policy-based, campaigning strategy to influence commissioning and practice around the issue of loneliness in older age. It is an issue which can be easily overlooked by care, public health and NHS professionals, but early results indicate the newly formed health and wellbeing boards can play a significant role in addressing it.

This study examines the impact of gender on Facebook campaign strategies and the reception of these strategies during the 2018 Israeli municipal elections.

The authors analyzed all the messages posted on 48 politicians' official Facebook pages during the week leading up to the elections. They analyzed messages posted by 152 candidates running for the position of head of a municipality, 68 of whom were women (48 had an active Facebook account), examining the amount of engagement they had created. The authors also analyzed the candidates' use of rhetoric and use of negative campaigning and the engagement it created.

Analysis of the overall engagement of Facebook users in respect to men versus women politicians showed that men politicians' posts were significantly more engaging in terms of the number of likes and shares they generated, although the multilevel analysis found no significant differences between engagement in the posts of men and women politicians. The Aristotelian rhetoric analysis revealed no significant differences between women and men contenders; however, in line with the role incongruity theory, the engagement analysis found that male candidates' logic-based posts attracted significantly more shares. The negative campaigning analysis found that, contrary to the study’s hypothesis, female candidates posted twice as many messages, attacking their opponents as their men counterparts. However, in line with the hypothesis based on the role incongruity theory, these posts gained significantly less engagement than those of their men counterparts.

The study highlights that female candidates do not conform to their perceived gender role as soft, emotional, and gentle in their social media campaigning. However, in line with role incongruity theory, they were not rewarded for this “unwomanly” behavior because they gained significantly less engagement with their logic-based posts and their attacks against other candidates than their men counterparts. Despite the fact that prior studies have indicated the potential of social networks service (SNS) to empower women leaders, the findings of the study highlight the continued gender discrimination and the validity of role incongruity theory during social media campaigning, particularly at the municipal elections level.

This selective annotated bibliography presents a snapshot of research published between 1990 and 1999 that has studied negative political advertising, primarily in the USA. Political scientists, psychologists, communication theorists and marketing scholars have used experiments, surveys, and case studies to examine the impact of this type of advertising on voter beliefs and behavior. The author categorizes the literature by broad themes such as typologies, effects of negative ads, media coverage of political campaigns, and actual candidate behavior, and provides descriptive annotations of representative articles in each category. In addition, several scholarly books that discuss negative political advertising are annotated. Since the focus of this bibliography is on social science research, articles from the popular literature are not included.