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The purpose of this paper is to understand the regime–youth relationship in Macao. It will use the framework by Weiss and Aspinall (2012) to explain the rise of Macao youth activism and the de-harmonization of their relationship with the authorities.

According to Weiss and Aspinall, the emergence of youth movements in Asia after the Second World War was based on four factors: the development higher education systems, youth’s collective identities, youth’s trust in the ruling regime and transnational flows of activist ideas and inspirations. This paper analyzes the rise of Macao youth through the four dimensions by Weiss and Aspinall.

The rise of Macao youth movement is attributable to the development of tertiary education, youth’s collective identities, lowered trust in the regime and international inspiration. Better-educated Macao youth have been increasing their demands for political participation while their distrust in the MSAR government pushes their mobilization. The rise of youth movements around the world after the millennium inspires Macao youth activists’ political mobilization. Interestingly, Macao’s youth movement has been gradually integrated into the opposition forces instead of campaigning by youth organizations. In response to youth activism, the MSAR government, however, could not alleviate the youth’s hostility against the authorities, but its repressive approach intensified the regime-youth tension.

The paper includes interviews with leaders of young activists for their understanding of youth movement in Macao. It can serve the purpose for comparative study of youth movement among Asian societies.

The purpose of this paper is to examine the cause and nature of the 2014 Umbrella Movement in Hong Kong and the role of the youth in the movement.

This paper analyzes the relationship between the serious social and economic problems in Hong Kong, of which the youth often feel the greatest impact, and the demands for a real democratic system made by the Umbrella Movement. It examines the structural roots of the Movement and the role of youths in it.

The Umbrella Movement is not simply a movement of anger and frustration, but also a movement reflecting some of the serious and legitimate concerns of the people of Hong Kong, especially the youth, who have a high and growing sense of local identity and citizenship. The movement links the major policy and social problems of the post-Handover era to its root cause, which is an undemocratic political system combined with crony capitalism. Unfortunately, the approach taken by the government toward the Movement has been to emphasize its illegal nature and to attempt to divide the opposition by adopting “united front” strategies that pay no serious attention to the problems the Movement has raised. Eventually, this approach will only lead to an outcome of “strong government, weak society” where strong government action in opposition to reformers will weaken the cohesion of society and expose the actual weakness of the state that has no popular legitimacy, going on to create more chaos as a result of its weak governance.

This paper will help both scholars and policymakers to understand the structural and root causes of the Umbrella Movement in Hong Kong and explain why Hong Kong is suffering from a serious problem of weak governance.

The purpose of this paper is to critically examine the youth narratives of Mr Leung Chun-ying, the Chief Executive (CE) of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region (HKSAR) Government between 2012 and 2017, which steered the directions of youth policies in Hong Kong.

Informed by the ideational school of institutionalism, a qualitative documentary study was conducted to analyse the policy addresses, speeches, and blog posts delivered by the then CE, which were all available on the website of the HKSAR Government. It was through a thematic analysis of the database that themes and sub-themes were generated for the discussion. Representative verbatim quotes are used for illustrating some of the youth policy ideas and discourses promoted under the Leung’s regime.

The findings suggest that the governing youth narratives could be categorised into two interrelated themes: behavioural patriotism and economic opportunism. The notions of youth development constructed in the narratives of Leung shape the definition of youth-related problems and solutions in relation to national identity and global competition.

This study focusses on the previous term of HKSAR Government that cannot fully reveal the extent of policy continuities and changes. Yet, it could outline the overall picture and address the shortcomings of Hong Kong’s current youth policies viewed from both normative and cognitive perspectives. Methodological and analytical implications can be drawn for further studies on policy ideas and discourses.

The paper has two major contributions; the first of which is the illustration of an analytical framework connecting contents, tools, and justification of policies for capturing the dynamics and complexities of youth policies. Second, the findings of this study develop a critical understanding of neoliberal youth policies in both economic and moral senses that pose new challenges to young people and policy makers.

This study aims to analyse the scientific relationship between technological innovation and carbon emissions. Taking the Chinese electric power industry as the empirical research object, this study examined the effect of power technological innovation on carbon emissions and proposed policy recommendations for the development of technological innovation in China.

This study first calculated the energy consumption and carbon emission level of the Chinese electric power industry from 2005 to 2018. Secondly, this study built an evaluation index system for technological innovation of electric power with six indicators: average utilisation hours of power generation equipment; power consumption rate of power plant; line loss rate; standard coal consumption for power generation; standard coal consumption for power supply; and number of patent applications granted for generation, conversion or distribution of electric power in China. Finally, from a practical point of view, the relationship between technological innovation and carbon emissions of the Chinese electric power industry from 2005 to 2018 is evaluated and analysed.

Power technology innovation has been found to have a long-term and relatively large effect on carbon emissions, and carbon emissions have a short-term and insignificant impact on power technology innovation.

This study puts forward relevant suggestions for developing technological innovation and technology transfer, which is essential to establishing a low-carbon or zero-carbon power system in China.

This study provides empirical evidence for clarifying the relationship between technological innovation and carbon emissions in the power industry and further develops research theories on technological innovation and carbon emissions.

Relevant authorities will adopt measures to promote technological innovation and development in the power sector to reduce carbon emissions.

This study built an evaluation index system with six indicators for technological innovation of electric power. The evaluation method was used to measure the technological innovation level of the Chinese electric power industry. The causal link between technological innovation and carbon emissions in China was analysed.

The purpose of this study is to examine the differences in sustainability knowledge, behaviors and attitudes among college students and to estimate the influence of knowledge of sustainability on students’ sustainable behaviors.

A cross-sectional online survey was used to collect quantitative data on sustainability knowledge, behaviors and attitudes among 291 undergraduate college students at a mid-size Midwestern US university. This study used a structural equation model to answer the research questions.

In all, 291 students completed a sustainability attitudes and behaviors survey. The results of this study show sustainability knowledge is poor (average score 5.3/10). Statistical modeling indicates positive influence of economic attitudes on sustainable behaviors; however, ecology and social attitudes were not associated with sustainable behaviors. Furthermore, those with greater sustainable knowledge engaged in fewer sustainable behaviors.

Sustainability and/or wellness initiatives can provide education targeting actionable behaviors college students can make to reduce their carbon footprint, including washing clothes in cold water, limiting red meat consumption, recycling, reducing food waste and taking shorter showers. Sustainability initiatives such as organizing a recycling competition and coordinating volunteers for local clean-up days and events such as Earth Day celebrations offer opportunities for collaboration between campus departments and engagement and socialization among students, staff and faculty. The inclusion of sustainability in college curricula may increase students’ knowledge, develop critical thinking skills and self-efficacy related to sustainability and promote climate action.

First, this study adds to the literature in terms of the use of structural equation modeling. Second, this study’s results indicate a dissociation between positive sustainable attitudes as they relate to sustainable behaviors. Why is it that students think the environment is important yet do not place importance on sustainable behaviors? These issues are highly relevant and present opportunities for future research and interventions aimed at increasing sustainable behaviors.

The purpose of this paper is to review current literature on peace leadership and youth leadership. It aims to shed a light on the extent to which peace leadership can afford youth leaders and youth peace activists to engage in peace processes and peacebuilding initiatives. By understanding how notions of peace leadership are realized in youth leadership practices, the paper hopes to contribute to the ongoing dialogue on advancing the practice of peace leadership for present and future young leaders.

The literature review explored peace leadership from the approaches of peacebuilding processes, nonviolence, and an integral perspective; expanded the current understanding of youth leadership by presenting the theoretical foundations and the role of youth in leadership that align with an advanced view of youth leadership; and described the intersection of peace leadership and youth leadership by identifying how youth leadership is related to peace leadership within three overarching contexts: political systems, schools, and communities.

The literature review highlights the reciprocity between peace leadership and youth leadership. It identifies nonviolence, communication, dialogue, conflict resolution, mediation, building social capital, and relationship building as practices in which youth leaders engage in to promote peaceful and sustainable change in varying contexts.

This review of the literature presents the need for further research on the intersection of peace leadership with youth leadership to help advance both areas within the field of leadership studies and understand how peace leadership for youth informs leadership theory and practice across contexts and areas of discipline.

This paper explores how the student movement in Taiwan transformed after the abolition of martial law. After democratization, there were three large-scale student protests, in 1990, 2008 and 2014. This paper explores the development through this period of student movement organizations, issues and interrelations between organizations and individuals.

The study of the process of transformation and development is based on an analysis of newspaper and magazine articles and books about the student movement. To provide an insider's view, magazines, statements and meeting memos written by activists are also included.

As a legacy of the student movement in the 1980s, the 1990 Wild Lily protest advocated democratization and organized a cross-school alliance. This pattern declined, however, because it proved hard to recruit participants after democratization. Instead, student activists returned to education-related issues, and the scale of student organizations remained small. The 2008 Wild Strawberry protest was carried out by autonomous, self-organized groups, which reflected the emergence of individuals as activists. Afterward, student movement organizations attempted to create multiple networks consisted of various issues and participants. These groups built solidarity by cooperating on education and political issues and became the base for the 2014 Sunflower protest.

This paper explores the rarely described historical context for the student movement between large-scale student protests in Taiwan and provides a more comprehensive understanding of the interrelation of organizations and individuals in contemporary social movements.

To explore the advice given by the British Girl Guides Association, a popular girls' youth organisation, to urban members in the period from 1930 to 1960.

This article is based on an analysis of the Girlguiding publications The Guide and The Guider in 30 years spanning 1930–1960.

The article shows that, although rural spaces maintained symbolic position in the education and training of the British Girl Guides Association throughout the mid-twentieth century, the use of urban spaces were central in ensuring that girls embodied Guiding principles on a day-to-day basis. While rural spaces, and especially the camp, have been conceptualised by scholars as ‘extraordinary’ spaces, this article argues that by encouraging girls to undertake nature study in their urban locality the organisation stressed the ordinariness of Guiding activity. In doing so, they encouraged girls to be an active presence in urban public space throughout the period, despite the fact that, as scholars have identified, the post-war period saw the increased regulation of children's presence in public spaces. Such findings suggest that the organisation allowed girls a modicum of freedom in town Guiding activities, although ultimately these were limited by expectations regarding the behaviour and conduct of members.

The article builds upon existing understandings of the Girl Guide organisation and mid-twentieth century youth movements. A number of scholars have recently argued for a more complex understanding of the relationship between urban and rural, outdoor and indoor spaces, within youth organisations in the 20th century. Yet the place of urban spaces in Girlguiding remains under-explored.

The purpose of this paper is to compare and analyse the role and implementation of nationalistic education in Hong Kong and Macau special administrative regions (SARs) since their respective handover of sovereignty to China in the late 1990s. Both SARs face the educational need to cultivate a Chinese national identification among the students after the sovereignty changes. While Macau SAR has enjoyed a relatively smooth implementation of nationalistic education towards which Macau’s schools and students are largely receptive to nationalistic programmes since its handover in 1999, Hong Kong SAR Government’s nationalistic education was met by reservation from some parents, students and civil society’s groups under allegations of “political indoctrination” and “brain-washing”. The Hong Kong civil society’s resistance to National Education culminated in the anti-Moral and National Education protest in Summer 2012 and then Hong Kong schools and society. This paper attempts to provide an overview and analysis on the development of nationalistic education in both Hong Kong and Macao SARs, and to give some possible explanations on the factors that lead to differences of perceiving and responding to the nationalistic education between both places.

After conducting a literature review, this study utilises different sources of data such as curriculum guidelines, previous studies and other scholarly findings in examining the development of civic education and national education policy in both SAR societies, as well as in discussing the possible developments of nationalistic education in both SARs by making references to previous studies of citizenship and nationalistic education.

This study found out that different relationships between the two SAR Governments and their respective civil society, the extent of established socio-political linkages with China, as well as the introduction of a core subject of Liberal Studies in Hong Kong secondary schools, which emphasises on multiple perspectives and critical thinking skills, are some plausible factors that explain different stories and developments of implementing nationalistic education in Hong Kong and Macao SARs.

For giving suggestions for a nationalistic education in both Chinese SARs, first, there should be an exploration of multiple citizenship identities. This will allow people to choose their identities and thus facilitate their belongingness in terms of local, national and global dimensions. In addition, there should be an exploration of a Chinese national identification with different emphases such as knowledge orientation and critical thinking so as to cater for youth values. Promoting the idea of an informed and reasonable-in-thinking patriot could also be a way to ease the concern that building a national identity negates a person’s freedom of thinking.

This paper attempts to compare and analyse the different responses to the same policy of enhancing nationalistic education development in both Hong Kong and Macao SARs of China. Some plausible explanations were given based on political, social and educational factors, as well as youth value oritentations. This paper would be an attempt to show that a top-down single-minded orientated nationalistic education may not work well a society such as Hong Kong, where civil society and youth values are quite different than that can be found in China.