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The Ukraine crisis, which began with Russia's military intervention, has violently jolted the modern world. The egregious Russian invasion of Ukraine, on the other hand, has arguably altered the trajectory of the world order. This whiff of war does not exclude any state because all states in the world system are economically, politically, and socially interconnected and dependent on one another. Bangladesh is also feeling the effects of the Ukraine crisis. The crisis has highlighted some challenging aspects of Bangladesh's foreign policy, testing the robustness and independence of its decision-making process regarding United Nations resolutions. Myanmar, like Bangladesh, has appeared befuddled in its response to the crisis. This paper examines how Bangladesh and Myanmar's foreign policy anticipated an unwanted labyrinth by the crisis, which made its moral credibility critical to some extent. Furthermore, the paper discusses how these two countries’ foreign policy trajectories became entangled at a difficult crossroads. We used secondary data sources backed up by scholarly works on Bangladesh and Myanmar foreign policy, relevant books, recent reports, and writings on the subject for this article. This paper also sheds light on Bangladesh's U-Turn in supporting and speaking out in support of the UN resolution on Ukraine's humanitarian crisis.

The purpose of the paper was to examine the challenges inherent in harnessing the UN and other AML counter‐measures, paying particular attention to the United Nations Resolutions on countering financing of terrorism and why the UN Security Resolutions have not been easy to invoke. As regards other AML counter‐measures, the paper examined the legal status of soft law instruments, articulating the possible reasons why they are easy to implement.

The paper was written by the analysis of UN and other AML counter‐measures – which were evaluated in the gaze of how they have been implemented across states. While states are under an obligation to implement UN AML counter‐measures such as international treaties and soft law instruments, private banks as non‐state actors have exploited some loopholes in the law to flaunt them. This has undermined the efficacy of global AML counter‐measures. Many banks have been fined for violating UN sanctions on countries like Iran and Sudan. These examples were utilized in appraising the current UN and other AML counter‐measures across states.

The findings of the paper were compelling in demonstrating that global anti‐money laundering laws are often emasculated by the fact that they are implemented in the realm of international law. International law manifests itself within independent member states' vested strategic self‐interests. In the event of conflicts, national self‐interests will prevail. But again, money laundering is an opportunistic crime because it generates both synergies and externalities and the response of individual states often depends on how it is affected by it. It is wrong to assume as doing things in the realm of international law is not as easy as it is presumed to be.

It would have been better to carry out interviews so as to corroborate secondary data sources used in writing this paper. But due to some constraints, this option was not possible. It would also have been better to undertake the analysis of data based on a large sample of countries rather than cherry picking. While implementing AML counter‐measures in the realm of international law is necessary to foster international co‐operation, there are still some loopholes that need to be paid more attention.

The paper was written, analysed and evaluated based on the most recent literature on implementation of UN and other AML counter‐measures across countries. It also utilized the recent cases involving violations of UN AML counter‐measures by banks on sanctioned countries such as Iran and Sudan.

Indigenous peoples are often alienated from their lands and culture. This has arguably resulted in Indigenous peoples figuring disproportionately in the social and economic statistics. The right of self-determination is often touted as a panacea to these statistics. The focus of this paper is to rethink the notion of self-determination and examine whether the process afforded by the United Nations Decolonization Committee can assist or whether the sway of State politics and State power impedes this right for Indigenous peoples.

This paper seeks to examine the extent to which Financial Action Task Force (FATF) Special Recommendations and UN Security Council Resolutions on the financing of terrorism have been implemented by countries and the legal issues relating to the implementation of these requirements.

It uses the findings from a review of the International Monetary Fund and the World Bank, which is based on a sample of 18 countries that were assessed on their compliance with the FATF 40 + 9 Recommendations (which include the FATF Special Recommendations and UN Security Council Resolutions 1267 and 1373) between March 2004 and August 2005.

It analyses the extent to which the FATF Special Recommendations and UN Security Council Resolutions 1267 and 1373 have been implemented, and in particular, the areas which countries have difficulties in complying fully with the requirements and related issues. It also discusses the difficulties with applying international law instruments such as UN Security Council Resolutions 1267 and 1373 where measures were aimed at non‐state actors and their assets, as well as the need for ensuring that persons affected by these measures have adequate legal recourses.

In countering the financing of terrorism, the paper discusses the design of a new international legal framework, which requires development of new concepts. It suggests that, by addressing the legal challenges created by these new concepts, the latter can be further refined, improved and strengthened.

A consequence of the UN general assembly resolution calling for increased efficiency and better utilization of resources in all its agencies, is a mandate for change. As a response to this resolution, the purpose of this paper is to identify the key factors for managing change.

A survey methodology approach was used where officials representing department heads, middle managers, professionals and specialists were the target participants. Exploratory factor analysis was done for factor validation and reduction, followed by confirmatory factor analysis to identify the relationships between those factors.

Three significant factors, communication, temporal sensitivity and knowledge were found to represent a shared common theoretical propositions from Kotter’s, Lewin’s and ADKAR models. Extracted factor explain the proposed United Nations (UN) model.

Due to political and cultural reasons, characteristics of participants could not be revealed. Also, a larger pool of participants spanning across all the UN agencies would provide more comprehensive view. The final UN model proposed herein would need to be further validated and tested within each agency as well as across them.

The study urges the UN to utilize its findings, with the hope of standardizing an effective change management model for all its agencies.

While change management literature primarily focuses on the private sector, few are applicable in the public sector. Research effort on managing change in UN is scarce. This study advocates the need for UN research to fill this very important gap. As such, the authors test existing theoretical model and then adapt it for the UN context.

This paper aims to analyse the extent to which the financial investigation function of an intergovernmental organisation (IGO) may be considered in policing terms, with a view to categorising it in relation to existing paradigms, while acknowledging the IGO’s unique context, in which it enjoys autonomy through various privileges and immunities.

This paper describes and analyses the internal investigation function of IGOs, drawing on practitioner experience as well as mandates, resolutions and reviews from the intergovernmental sector, before making comparisons with policing typologies.

Notwithstanding their expansion into inquiries of non-financial misconduct, IGO investigation offices are the primary means of addressing financial wrongdoing affecting their organisations. Comparisons are drawn with both the corporate policing role inherent in other employment-based organisations and with public policing as a function of the state. It is found that these two paradigms are insufficient to categorise policing within the unique context of the IGO, which has hybrid features of both.

In comparing IGO investigation alongside existing policing paradigms, this paper lays a foundation for further research into the accountability models applicable to this policing function.

This paper discusses the emergence of a form of policing with hybrid features of both internal corporate policing and state law enforcement and contributes to a field that is largely unaddressed in existing research.

The article seeks to address the lack of serious, normative scenarios exploring peace in the Middle East.

Three normative, backcasted scenarios were written. These were derived from literature searches, interviews with experts in the field, and input from a three‐round Delphi. Actions were identified and rated by the Delphi panel in Rounds 1 and 2. Draft text with areas for comment throughout the scenarios was collected in Round 3 and used to improve the draft scenarios.

The scenarios address seven preconditions for peace in the Middle East: secure borders for Israel; establishment of a viable and independent Palestinian state; resolution of the Jerusalem question; ending violence by both sides and building confidence; social and economic development; education; and resolution of Palestinian refugee status.

The scenarios are intended for use in a variety of settings to help further the Middle East peace process.