The purpose of this paper is to explore how Twitter is used as a political backchannel and potential agenda setter during two televised political debates during the…
The purpose of this paper is to explore how Twitter is used as a political backchannel and potential agenda setter during two televised political debates during the Norwegian election in 2011. The paper engages with current debates about the role of social media in audience participation and traditional media's changing role as gatekeepers and agenda setter.
A combination of quantitative and qualitative methods. By introducing and using the IMSC multiple step analysis model on the Twitter datasets, the authors are able to analyse the flow of thousands of tweets and compare them with topics discussed in the televised debates.
The paper finds that the same topics are discussed on Twitter as on TV, but “the debate about the debate” or Meta talk tweets reveal critical scrutiny of the agenda. The paper identifies a clear pattern of political fandom and media criticism in the “debate about the debate”, indicating that Meta talk in social media can function as a critical public sphere, also in real time, which has not been identified in existing studies of Twitter and political TV shows.
The analysis is unique in the sense that the paper analyses a smaller, national Twitter population in deeper detail than what is common in larger Twitter studies related to political televised debates. The IMSC model can be used in future Twitter studies to uncover layers in the data material and structure the findings.
The growth in popularity of new media has led some television networks in the United States to experiment with alternative forms of political debate by encouraging viewers…
The growth in popularity of new media has led some television networks in the United States to experiment with alternative forms of political debate by encouraging viewers of all ages to submit video questions to political candidates. Surprisingly, however, experimentation with this new type of debate format in the 2008 U.S. presidential election cycle did not lead to the adoption of new debate formats in the subsequent 2012 election cycle, despite its success with viewing audiences. This study examines various debate formats to understand the value of participatory, user-generated debate question formats versus more traditional debate question formats whereby moderators or live audience members ask presidential candidates scripted questions.
Using a between-subjects experiment, this study examines four types of televised debate formats to assess young adult viewers’ impressions of each format as well as image perceptions of a political candidate and the individual posing the debate question.
The findings suggest debate formats impact perceptions of a political candidate’s image differently for young men and young women. In addition, varying the debate format impacts young voters’ perceptions of debate questioners as well as their overall perceptions of the debate. Implications for viewing audiences are discussed.
U.S. presidential candidates should embrace presidential debate formats that encourage citizens to participate in the political process via new media technologies.
This study shows implementing more engaging and interactive presidential debate formats can positively impact young voters’ perceptions.
The purpose of this paper is to analyze how political marketing management in terms of communication practices influence the voters’ emotional responses as they observe…
The purpose of this paper is to analyze how political marketing management in terms of communication practices influence the voters’ emotional responses as they observe and listen to the discourse of a political leader.
An experiment was conducted, in which participants watched the last debate of the campaign leading up the Peruvian presidential elections held in June 2016. During the experiment, the Emotient FACET technology codifies the facial micro-expressions of participants.
The results reveal that a voter’s political tendencies influence the intensity of their positive emotions, when the political leader communicated a challenging message. Rhetorical strategies and non-verbal behaviors accompany this type of message in order to emphasize the discourse and persuade the audience.
The findings suggest that the gender gap in attitudes toward female politicians exists and could change the relationship found, influencing negative emotions instead of positive emotions. The implications of the findings for achieving political success are discussed.
The study makes a methodological contribution, employing an experimental protocol based on Emotient FACET technology in a political context, thereby enabling more direct and objective measurement of voters’ emotional responses.
El artículo busca analizar la influencia de la gestión de marketing político, en términos de estrategias de comunicación política, en la respuesta emocional de los votantes al observar y escuchar el discurso de un líder político.
Se realizó un experimento en el cual los participantes miraron el último debate de la campaña para las elecciones presidenciales del Perú celebradas en junio de 2016. Durante el experimento, la tecnología Emotient FACET codificó las micro expresiones faciales de los participantes.
Los resultados revelan que la tendencia política del votante influye en la intensidad de sus emociones positivas cuando el líder político emite un mensaje desafiante. Las estrategias retóricas y las conductas no verbales que acompañan a este tipo de mensajes enfatizan el discurso y persuaden a la audiencia.
Los hallazgos sugieren que el sesgo del género en las actitudes hacia las mujeres que participan en política existe y esto podría cambiar la relación encontrada, influenciando las emociones negativas cuando una candidata mujer expresa un mensaje desafiante. Se discuten las implicaciones de los resultados para lograr el éxito político.
El estudio realiza un aporte metodológico al aplicar un protocolo experimental basado en la tecnología Emotient FACET a un contexto político, permitiendo así una medida más directa y objetiva de las respuestas emocionales de los votantes.
Political communication is not first and foremost about truth; it is a struggle for power and influence between different interests. In this struggle, it is critical for politicians to persuade voters, and not just by the power of their argument, but also, and increasingly, through creating trust by means of their personality. In this study we will focus on how politicians attend to these concerns in televised election campaign debates in the Nordic countries. Ideally, political debates provide politicians with equal opportunities for airing their positions. This linguistic ideal of fairness has more elaborate equivalents in established theories of discourse, such as the theory of the ideal speech situation proposed by Habermas (1975a, b), Paul Grice’s maxims for efficient and logical communication (Grice, 1975), and the face-saving traffic rules of social interaction analyzed by Goffman (1967). However, this rudimentary standard of fairness is rarely satisfied in practice (Gastil, 1992). Rather than granting all participants equality, debates often become events in which prior inequalities, such as gender, age, class and status, are re-enacted (Edelsky & Adams, 1990). The question we are pursuing in this article is whether and how such “brought along” features are made relevant, or “brought about” in actual debate situations.
This paper examines the Pakistani state's shift from the accommodation to exclusion of the heterodox Ahmadiyya community, a self-defined minority sect of Islam. In 1953…
This paper examines the Pakistani state's shift from the accommodation to exclusion of the heterodox Ahmadiyya community, a self-defined minority sect of Islam. In 1953, the Pakistani state rejected demands by a religious movement that Ahmadis be legally declared non-Muslim. In 1974 however, the same demand was accepted. This paper argues that this shift in the state's policy toward Ahmadis was contingent on the distinct political fields in which the two religious movements were embedded. Specifically, it points to conjunctures among two processes that defined state–religious movement relations: intrastate struggles for political power, and the framing strategies of religious movements vis-à-vis core symbolic issues rife in the political field. Consequently, the exclusion of Ahmadis resulted from the transformation of the political field itself, characterized by the increasing hegemony of political discourses referencing Islam, shift toward electoral politics, and the refashioning of the religious movement through positing the “Ahmadi issue” as a national question pertaining to democratic norms.
The establishment and implementation of a relatively strict immigration regime in Norway has taken place within a vocabulary of equality, humanity, social justice and…
The establishment and implementation of a relatively strict immigration regime in Norway has taken place within a vocabulary of equality, humanity, social justice and decency. One aspect is an insistence on a “restricted and controlled” immigration in order to protect a state of equality in Norway and avoid the emergence of a new “underclass.” Another is the stress on Norway’s humanitarian traditions and the rich country’s responsibility towards people in need, also globally. A whole rhetoric has evolved where immigration politics appears as a matter of decency, somehow apart from the more pragmatic tug-of-wars affecting other fields of politics. On the one hand, a “restricted and controlled” immigration is necessary in order to protect certain moral qualities of Norwegian society. But on the other, immigration politics has also appeared as an indicator of the moral qualities of the Norwegian nation-state thus requiring “decent policies” in order not to threaten the image of a nation embodying such moral qualities.