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This paper will reflect on the impact of the Licensing Act 2003 (LA03). It will focus primarily on how the LA03 has been introduced to, and has influenced, the night‐time economy (NTE). More specifically, it will examine the impact of the LA03 on alcohol‐related crime, disorder and harm to health, within an urban context. It will review the evidence base for the impact of the LA03, suggesting reasons why the UK experience of extended trading hours is not consistent with international evidence. It will examine the mixed findings from evaluations as to its success/failures/limited influence, and discuss its impact on a number of organisations involved in the promotion and safety of the NTE. It will highlight the continued struggles encountered within the NTE, between the promotion of an enjoyable and profitable NTE, and those who have responsibility for maintaining a safe NTE environment. It will also discuss potential extraneous factors that have superseded the LA03, before concluding by offering and discussing some possible avenues for future direction.

This study examines changes to the night‐time economy of Hartlepool in the north east of England following the introduction of the Licensing Act 2003. It shows that later opening hours led to later drinking, which in turn led to later violence, criminal damage and antisocial behaviour. Over the period examined, violence against the person fell by 14% in the town centre between the hours of 8pm and 4.59am, while criminal damage fell by 15% and antisocial behaviour increased by 4%. Extending the licensing hours would appear to have contributed to a more moderate (4%) reduction in violence against the person, resulting from a reduction in violence between midnight and 1.59am (the previous closing time) and a smaller increase between 2am and 4.59am. Using the same approach, criminal damage and antisocial behaviour saw small net increases over the same period. Both licensees and partner agencies perceived that changes were detrimental to the town centre. Existing powers at the time of the research appeared to be insufficient to address these problems, which affected the whole of the night‐time economy area rather than individual premises. However, new proposals for extended early morning restriction orders would allow local authorities to revert to the opening hours in place prior to the Licensing Act 2003.

This paper aims to depict the evolution of the relationship between tourism and the night-time economy (NTE) from 1946 to 2095.

This paper enables the feedback loop concept rooted in general system theory to identify positive and negative feedback loops between tourism and the NTE. The study is based on selective literature on the topic.

The paper recognises the volatility of positive and negative loops in the past and the dominance of positive feedback loops in the future. This paper also identifies the primary triggers of the feedback loops as technological, economic, environmental, political, social and market.

Selective literature review and abstracting from the impact of other industries on the recognised feedback loops are the main limitations of the study.

The development of both tourism and the NTE should be considered and planned just through the prism of their feedback loops.

The feedback loop concept is proposed to explain the general logic of dynamics of the relationship between tourism and the NTE.

There has been a widespread move in England’s city centres to a business crime reduction partnership (BCRP) model that welcomes businesses from all commercial sectors and that operate during day time and night time trading hours, and that seeks to tackle a broad range of crimes and associated behaviours. The purpose of this paper is to consider whether this new holistic approach offers benefits that narrower models do not.

This study draws upon data from a multi-year examination of the Gloucester City Safe BCRP, including quantitative analysis of 4,523 offences recorded by the partnership and qualitative analysis of 149 interviews with its members.

In Gloucester there was a small minority of offenders who commit offences against more than one type of business, who offend during both the day time and night time trading hours and who commit more than one type of offence. There is value, therefore, in partnerships bringing together businesses from different commercial sectors and that operate in the day and night time economies to coordinate their efforts to tackle such activity.

Sharing information among partnership members via e-mail and secure web-based platforms helps raise awareness concerning offenders and the offences that they commit which in turn can be used to prevent offences from occurring.

This inclusive holistic BCRP model can lead to an increased sense of community cohesion for its members arising from the collective effort of multiple types of businesses.

The authors are not aware of other studies that have considered these issues.

This study aims to critically expose and explore “taking sides” in the context of a covert ethnography of bouncers in the night-time economy of Manchester, UK.

The methodology adopted is covert ethnography. The author reflects on the application and use of situated deception within an embedded and insider ethnography of bouncers, alongside other relevant covert ethnographies. Fieldwork vignettes are drawn upon to articulate the management of situated ethics and moral dilemmas.

The findings argue that bouncers are a deeply maligned occupational group, who perform a valuable regulatory role in the night-time economy. Moreover, a covert role ethnographic presents an interesting liminal stance of being on both sides, rather than a reductionist choosing of a single sides. Theoretically, phenomenological bracketing and ethnomethodological indifference are used to justify the position taken in the paper.

Covert research has limitations around fieldwork time consumption, instigation tactics and “going native” distortion, alongside common fears of ethical belligerence and cavalier morals.

The lessons learnt, particularly for early career researchers, are about pursuing creative ethnographic methods.

Occupationally, bouncers should be less demonized and more accessible to more women. This rather hyper-masculine domain should be disrupted and democratized.

The field is relatively niche, with a purist covert ethnographic approach being an innovative way to unpack it.

The aim of this paper is to focus on the impact of alcohol pre‐loading on behaviour in the night time economy (NTE).

The project was commissioned by Devon and Cornwall Police. During the course of six months in late 2010/early 2011, 597 arrestees were asked a series of questions relating to their drinking patterns on the evening prior to their arrest.

The research shows that there is a shift from the traditional “pub‐club” drinking pattern to a “home‐pub‐club” pattern where excessive early evening drinking is occurring in the private sphere in the absence of external control. Moreover, pre‐loading has become a key aspect in the drinking patterns of many of the NTE population with around 50 per cent of people drinking significant quantities of alcohol prior to entering the NTE. It also demonstrates that those that pre‐load self‐report higher levels of drinking and thus higher levels of intoxication than those that do not.

Findings are constrained by sample bias, as all informants came from the criminal justice system.

When looking specifically at the relationship between pre‐loading and violence, the research showed that there is a relationship between high levels of self‐reported intoxication and self‐reported feelings of aggression, especially in males. This manifested in the NTE as flash points which seemed to occur at entry points to pubs and clubs. Those pre‐loaders that were arrested for violent crimes cite excessive drinking as the significant factor in their behaviour. The research concludes that pre‐loading alcohol prior to entering the NTE is a major challenge to those charged with keeping order in and around city centre pubs and clubs.

The paper adds to the discourse on alcohol related violence in the night time economy, and the negative consequences of pricing drinkers out of licensed premises.

The purpose of this paper is to analyse the phenomenon of overtourism with specific reference to the night-time economy (NTE) in Budapest, Hungary.

The research took place between September and December 2017 in the so-called “party quarter” of Budapest – District VII. The chosen methods included mapping, observation, interviews and questionnaires with local residents, visitors and tourists.

Partying opportunities are valued highly by tourists and the majority of customers in the bars are tourists. Many people feel that there are too many tourists in the area, although few had a bad experience with tourists. The most common complaints were the dirt and litter, public urination, street crime and noise. Most respondents would welcome a better cleaning service, more bins, more police, more public toilets and better street lighting.

The research was not undertaken in the high season, older residents were slightly under-represented and wider research across the whole city would give a more balanced perspective.

Recommendations are made for managing the NTE better in order to improve the experience of tourists and visitors and to improve the local resident quality of life.

It is hoped that this research may prompt local authorities to take local resident perceptions and experiences into account by creating better management measures and regulations.

This is the first paper to provide data from the perspective of three main stakeholder groups in the context of the NTE in Budapest.

Based on information derived from a Web‐based survey of local authority reports and policies, on evening and late night economies and the way that they are managed. Sums up that both the evening and late night economies are very important features of United Kingdom town and city centres.

The purpose of this paper is to quantify the risk of fatality for men who are reported missing following a night out. Additionally, the paper aimed to develop search heuristics to inform the development of search strategies, through an examination of the key geographical points involved in these cases.

Cases were identified, and data collected, from online media sources supplemented with a request to UK police forces and a search of the UK Missing Persons Unit database. In total, 96 cases which occurred over a five-and-a-half-year period in the UK were included. The study compares the profile of fatalities that result from disappearances occurring in different types of geographical area. Location data were georeferenced allowing Euclidean distances between geographical locations to be generated.

In total, 60 per cent of disappearances lasting longer than 48 h resulted in fatality, rising to almost all cases after three days missing. In 89 per cent of cases bodies are recovered from water; 11 per cent on land after the individual died from a fall, hypothermia or a drugs overdose.

Search strategies can be informed by a consideration of the type of area the person was socialising (high night-time economy through to rural areas) and the geography of subsequent sightings.

In focusing on the specific circumstances of a disappearance rather than an individual’s personal characteristics, the paper offers an innovative approach to understanding risk (i.e. what is the likelihood of a particular outcome occurring) and the development of heuristics for search strategies in missing person cases.

A number of studies relating to the impact of the Licensing Act 2003 have been described as either inconclusive or lacking implementation detail. This study, five years after the introduction of the Act, adds to this body of research by assessing the implications for Preston, England's newest city. Through interviews with police officers, licence holders and paramedics, it concentrates on how the Act was implemented and outlines the changes that have occurred. In essence, it shows how consumers are more likely to ‘pre‐load’ prior to leaving home, how drinking and associated crime patterns have been extended into the early hours of the morning, and how incidents of alcohol‐related crime have reduced.