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The purpose of this paper is to understand a spontaneous movement of social mobilization and protest known as the yellow vests and their unrelenting demand for increased buying power.

A capsule history of France and the universal struggle for a living wage lead to a post-Marxian process of intensified civic action to support the universal aims of well-being and fair play.

The yellow vests appear to be assuming the proportions of an unorthodox labor fraternity, a novel pressure network transcending the usual time-and-money quests of integrated trade unions.

Little attention is paid to the changing nature of employment, work itself and labor competitiveness. These require further research.

Internal and external factors are identified, combining to explain the lack of discipline and orderly evolution by both animators and demonstrators.

The purpose of this paper is to present the actors, institutions and changing rules of the French system of industrial relations (IR). It questions whether the traditional view of the French model as “state-centric” is still adequate.

Based on institutionalist IR theories of social regulation and neocorporatism, the paper analyses the evolution of the French IR system from a “State-centric” model to the development of collective bargaining, both at the sector and company level, as well as of tripartite concertation.

Initially based on adversarial relations between trade unions and employers, compensated by strong state interventionism, the French IR system has experienced a series of reforms, adopted under the pressure of the unions in the 1980s and mostly under the pressure of the employers’ organisations since the turn of the century. These reforms boosted collective bargaining at the workplace level and tripartite concertation at the peak level. The paper analyses the limits of both developments and explains why a reversal of the hierarchy of norms was imposed in 2016 by law without prior concertation.

The paper presents an original explanation of the change of the initial French IR model, stressing the importance of power relations and the role of IR experts in the different reform moments.

This paper highlights the emergency budgetary measures taken by the French government in response to the COVID-19 pandemic health crisis and identifies some of the key political, economic, social and environmental factors and consequences associated with those measures.

The authors conduct a thorough analysis of official reports, bills and academic and news articles related to the pandemic management in France. The authors’ analysis covers the period from January 24 to July 31, 2020.

Despite previous austerity policies, France faced the health crisis with a very high level of debt, which has complicated the management of the COVID-19 crisis. Although significant, the response brought by the French government seems in the end to be rather choppy.

This paper highlights three elements of analysis that allow a better understanding of the budgetary management process in France. The authors first discuss the notion of budgetary flexibility. Then, they show that the growth of participatory budgets in local communities gives hope for a possible and much needed decentralization process implying a stronger commitment of citizens. Finally, they highlight a budgetary paradox; that is, massive funding of polluting industries versus ecological issues. These three elements of analysis all advocate the need for a deeper engagement among different levels of government and actors.

The purpose of this paper is to show how archival expertise and diplomatic analysis can enrich the documentary corpuses analyzed by artificial intelligence tools. Here, the demonstration is based on a freely accessible material: the data from the great national debate launched in early 2019 by the French President Macron in response to the large-scale social movement known as the “yellow vests”.

Step 1 consisted of understanding the methods and conclusions of the providers responsible for processing the data of the great debate (1.5 million contributors). Step 2 was to analyze the formal elements of a random set of online contributions. Then, to compare the results.

This research shows that the processing of the data is based almost exclusively on texts, to the detriment of data on the source, date and arrangement of contributions, which could nevertheless be exploited as metadata.

The mass of data and the lack of online accessibility of part of the corpus did not make it possible to complete the experiment.

This research lays the foundation for other projects for collaboration between archival science and artificial intelligence tools.

There is a social challenge involving researchers in information sciences in public debate and governmental consultations. There is also an issue for a records manager to become more involved in the production of public records by promoting their specific skills in information management.

The originality of this paper is to show how archival science can help to improve the quality of the documentary corpuses used by artificial intelligence tools, and therefore, to improve the performance of these tools.

The purpose of this paper is to assess the plausibility of four different mid-term paths of development of the European Union (EU): first, a political union or a European state; second, a differentiated and flexible integration of the polity; third, a covert and deepening integration of the polity outside of the political arenas; fourth, the disintegration and/or dissolution of the EU through the exit of individual members or a joint decision to terminate the union.

The paper uses strategic interaction analysis to identify the plausibility of each of these four possible outcomes. By systematically varying the relevant actors’, i.e. European Council’s and member states’, the European Parliament’s, the Commission’s, preferences over outcomes while holding constant institutional rules of decision making on the one hand, and systematically varying institutional rules on the other while holdings actors’ preferences constant, the paper comes to the conclusion that differentiated and flexible integration and covert integration are the most plausible mid-term paths of development.

The paper finds that neither a European state or deep political union nor a disintegration or even dissolution of the EU is the most plausible path of development. Rather, it concludes that flexible and differentiated integration as well as covert integration outside the political arenas are the most likely developments. However, it also draws attention to the political costs of flexible and differentiated integration which does not allow for an overall view of political and policy issues negotiated at one political table, limiting the scope of compromise formation and even leading to a fragmented polity. Covert integration consisting of mechanisms of hidden integration “invisible” to the wider public may lead to a democratic backlash, once citizens realize that integration has considerably deepened without their being aware of it.

Most publications regarding the future development of the EU are normatively driven, either conjuring an imminent disintegration, or invoking the necessity of a deepening integration leading to a political union. This paper, by contrast, seeks to assess the likely further development based on empirically identified factors and a logical argument.

The purpose of this paper is to explore fans’ reactions to corporate naming rights sponsorship of football club stadia and identify a range of contextual factors impacting these reactions.

A qualitative, quasi-ethnographic research design is adopted, focusing on three football clubs in North West England. Data are gathered through online message board discussions, focus groups and auto-ethnographic approaches.

Geographic, image and functional dimensions of sponsorship fit are noted as contextual factors in determining fans’ reactions to corporate stadium names. It is also proposed that some forms of fit (in particular geographic fit) are more important than others in this regard. Beyond issues of fit, three additional contextual factors are identified that potentially influence fans’ reactions to corporate stadium names: prior involvement with the club by the sponsor; fans’ perceived impact of the sponsorship investment; and whether the stadium is new or long-established.

Future research might examine the relative importance and implications of the identified contextual factors, alongside seeking other potential areas of contextual framing.

Sponsorship naming rights negotiations need to be sensitive to a variety of contextual factors. Furthermore, sponsors would do well to have a good awareness of their own brand image and its congruency with the identity of the club and fan base.

This nuanced, qualitative analysis extends existing, quantitative-based research by identifying a range of contextual factors which shape fans’ reactions to corporate stadium naming.

This study aims to investigate some factors that might drive Muslims in Indonesia to get involved in a French brands boycott movement by examining the moderating role of brand judgment and counterargument.

An online survey has been conducted to 1,063 respondents from all over Indonesia. The respondents are selected using the purposive sampling technique. The model is assessed using covariance-based structural equation modeling, which includes the assessment of measurement and structural model. An interaction moderation technique is applied to examine the effect of moderators on the structural model.

This study shows that the French brand boycott is strongly affected by consumer animosity, perceived efficacy and subjective norms. Moreover, this study also found that the effect of animosity on boycott intention is dampened by brand judgment and counterargument.

First, multinational companies are advised to be careful in creating a campaign. They should avoid sensitive words or the use of specific figures or places highly respected by Muslims. A sensitive campaign might spread hatred, and it is directly connected with the boycott movement based on history. Second, it is pivotal for multinational companies to focus more on product or brand values instead of controversial issues. Finally, multinational companies are also advised to strengthen brand love. When brand love is strong, it is difficult for them to stop patronizing the brand or even switch to other brands.

Prior studies’ findings are still inconclusive in explaining some factors that lead to the success of a boycott call-to-action. Therefore, this study contributes to boycott literature by revealing the importance of brand judgment and counterargument to moderate consumer animosity and boycott intention link.

The COVID19 crisis has thrown wide open the debate on Europe’s Economic and Monetary Union’s (EMU) future. Next Generation EU (NGEU) has broken the stalemate over a central fiscal capacity. The open question is whether NGEU is a one-off or a first step. The suspension of the Stability and Growth Pact has given new urgency to the debate on reforming EMU’s fiscal rules.

There is no debate as yet about how these two prospects relate to each other. This paper argues that a permanent fiscal capacity and revised rules should be seen as alternatives.

This study makes two claims: first, a fiscal capacity renders a reformed pact unnecessary and second, that is an optimal solution politically. A fiscal capacity would provide an efficient asymmetric shock absorber and therefore reduce the need for pre-emptive action against negative cross-border externalities. It would also provide an abundant supply of an EU-wide safe asset around which to structure the EU’s financial system, thus rendering unnecessary the backstopping of member states' debts.

This would restore democratic accountability while eliminating moral hazard and enforcement problems.

The purpose of this research is to identify the strengths and weaknesses of the EU's public diplomacy – towards both domestic and external audiences – during times of crisis. The EU's public diplomacy is examined across six major crises: the Eurozone crisis (2008), the Ukrainian crisis (2014), the migrant crisis (2015), the Brexit referendum (2016), the new transatlantic relationship (2017) and the COVID-19 pandemic (2020). The goal of examining these crises in conjunction is to derive policy-relevant insights.

This article adopts a problem-driven approach – the problem being how successful is the EU at public diplomacy during times of crisis – that draws theoretical and empirical insights from Communication Studies, International Relations and EU studies via a “strategic narratives” framework. It situates the EU as a unique public diplomacy actor, one which is becoming more prominent due to the mediatisation of diplomacy, especially driven by the advent of cyberspace.

The article finds that the EU has been experiencing a cycle of crises that have affected the political, economic, symbolic and social foundations of the common project. The EU has had some notable success – such as restoring confidence at the height of the Eurozone crisis – and some notable challenges – such as effectively combatting disinformation. Regardless, the EU has the potential to better manage these and future crises by engaging in an effective public diplomacy strategy that tells a shared European story that informs and inspires people, both domestically and externally.

The article offers an original examination of the EU's public diplomacy response to six different crises. It looks at different types of crises and utilises concepts from different social science perspectives. It offers novel strategic and policy recommendations.

The purpose of this paper is to explore the reasons for and consequences of leaders moving from other sectors to the public arena and provide guidelines for successful transitions to the public sector.

The paper relies on a conceptual analysis of leadership theory, critical reasoning and several examples to explore the phenomenon the authors call Leadership Leap (LL).

The paper explores the context, antecedents, causes and consequences of LL. The leaders’ self-confidence, ego and hubris are often considered to be the reason for leaping to an unfamiliar sector; however, the causes are much more complex. The authors suggest that in addition to the leaders’ personal characteristics, LL is encouraged by a culture of celebrity, excessive focus on the leaders and a longing for heroes. Ignoring or disregarding the context and overestimating the need for revolutionary change further exacerbate LL. The authors consider conditions for success and suggest areas for future research.

We are increasingly witnessing leaders who are successful and considered experts in one sector transition into the public sector. Although some are successful, others face obstacles and fail to live up to expectations. The unique characteristics of public leadership, specifically the collective nature of the sector and the crucial role of context and systems, provide a particular challenge for LL in the sector.