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Māori are the indigenous population of New Zealand, although even the name ‘Māori’ is not ever used by them to describe all the inhabitants of those shores at the time of colonisation. Rather, reference is made to the iwi (tribe), hapū (sub-tribe or clan) and whānau (family), one is inherently part of, based firmly on whakapapa (genealogy). Colonisation of New Zealand began in the late 1700s and proceeded in a similar manner to other colonised places around the world, resulting in the sublimation of indigenous peoples and their culture. Māori had societal structures, culture and tikanga (customs) determined by whakapapa. Māori had and continue to have their own way of looking at the world. The legitimation of a Māori world view within a large organisation relies on a vision, a strategy and an overwhelming enthusiasm among key influencers to drive it. Numerous Māori leaders and scholars through the ages have held the same vision for Māori, that is, to be an equal partner in Aotearoa/New Zealand. The Office of Māori Development at the University of Otago supports this vision – to embed aspects of Te Ao Māori within the fabric of the institution. The University’s Māori Strategic Framework (MSF) grew out of two significant documents: a Treaty of Waitangi Audit conducted by Dr Ranginui Walker (University of Otago, 1998) and a Treaty of Waitangi Stocktake undertaken by Janine Kapa (University of Otago, 2005). The Stocktake findings were subsequently tested with a number of key stakeholders from within the University, as well as local mana whenua ¹ and other interest groups. This consultation formed the foundation of the University’s MSF. This chapter begins by outlining the historical context in which the relationship between the University and Māori progressed, leading ultimately to its partnership with Ngāi Tahu. ² A contemporary response to realising indigenous imperatives is then examined, by looking at the formation of the MSF, the importance of the consultative process undertaken with key stakeholders, and further, the role it has played in transforming the University of Otago.

Māori (Indigenous New Zealanders) and Pacific students tend not to attain the same levels of educational success as New Zealanders of European descent. Addressing this problem is a particular challenge at tertiary level in science, engineering, and architecture and design (SEAD). Te Rōpū Āwhina (Āwhina), an initiative at Victoria University of Wellington (VUW), aims to produce Māori and Pacific professionals who contribute to Māori and Pacific development and leadership. The objective of this analysis was to summarise quantitative results from the first 11 years of Āwhina and to show they are consistent with an Āwhina ‘effect’; that is, a positive influence on (combined) Māori and Pacific success in the SEAD disciplines. Individual-level records held in the VUW student database were used to generate smoothed trends in SEAD and non-SEAD graduate and postgraduate degree completions since 1991. Substantial improvements in SEAD Māori and Pacific completions occurred between 1999 and 2010, including a 50%- increase in Māori and Pacific postgraduate completions relative to all SEAD postgraduate completions. In the same period, non-SEAD Māori and Pacific postgraduate completions increased at a similar rate to all non-SEAD postgraduate completions. Results were consistent with a strong Āwhina effect, which has important implications for the nature of tertiary institutions, their cultural and social disconnection with Indigenous and minority students, and their social obligations and responsiveness. This analysis did not account for students who did not complete a qualification or include key confounders such as entry qualifications and gender. Definitive confirmation of an Āwhina effect is the subject of ongoing research.

We describe an educational intervention pioneered by Te Kawa a Māui (TKaM), the School of Māori Studies at Victoria University of Wellington (VUW), which was designed to improve the attraction and retention of (particularly) Māori students, by involving them in a school-wide research publication – in this case a digital cultural atlas of Māori Studies. We present and describe the work of 250 students from 10 different Māori Studies courses, who have trialled and submitted map-based assessment for the Te Kawa a Māui Atlas (TeKaMA). We argue that the quality and variety of student work is itself an indication of engagement. We then discuss how digital aspects of the work facilitated engagement, using data from course and assignment evaluations, interviews, informal feedback and an online survey. In line with other findings in the literature, digital aspects of our project had to be carefully managed and balanced, so that they did not disengage students from learning. However, our TeKaMA exercises provided multiple ways by which students could engage, with cultural mapping engaging all students, not just Māori. Our chapter discusses how this was facilitated by digital technology.

The term “Pacific” is often used to describe the diverse ethnic makeup of individuals from the Pacific Islands who have migrated to New Zealand (NZ), but this oversimplifies their multifaceted and dynamic identities. Pacific students in NZ often face a variety of challenges when attempting to access and succeed in higher education, such as financial barriers, language barriers, cultural differences, and feelings of isolation. Appreciative mentoring (AM) is an effective method of engagement that equips Pacific students with the knowledge and skills to foster personal and professional growth. Academics in education can become appreciative mentors with mentoring as a long-term, diverse approach that emphasizes relationships and personal growth to ensure that students have the assistance they need to reach their full potential.

Negotiating the ‘middle-ground’ (Lear, 2006) between New Zealand universities and Maori whare wananga is the issue discussed in this chapter. It is suggested that the Maori institution of the marae, used as a ‘mediating structure’ (Berger, 1979) is ideally placed as the negotiating space to enhance the learning and scholarship of all students who seek a sense of belonging as well as the opportunity to increase their potential as global citizens. It is argued that choosing to make a contribution to the betterment of all New Zealanders is the prior intellectual and cultural engagement.

Since 2002 there has been strategic focus on inclusive tertiary provision as a means of addressing the issues of student groups who have historically not fared well in higher education. Equity groups include Māori, Pasifika and students with disabilities. This chapter charts the terrain of inclusive higher education in Aotearoa through the critical reflections of Kahurangi, a Māori student with a vision impairment. Despite a strategic focus on inclusive provision and Kahurangi’s success his experiences suggest that there is some way to go. The authors argue that given the limited ways in which inclusion and its underpinning theory of disability are theorised inclusive higher educational settings are unlikely to be realised.

Wānanga are Indigenous educational institutions that encompass a diverse approach to education. Te Whare Wānanga o Awanuiārangi, an ‘Indigenous University’, is an environment where innovative thinking and culturally based teaching practice enhances student experiences in an Indigenous Māori environment. It is in this space that Māori ideology and epistemology are practiced and viewed as normal. This diverse environment accepts without qualification that education and knowledge will be provided to the highest level through an Indigenous Māori lens. Culturally responsive environments are conducive to learning experiences for Indigenous Māori students. Pedagogy that is underpinned by cultural values and philosophy enhances the reciprocal learning experiences that are shared between lecturer and student. A positive learning environment promotes a distributive action, where the student experience is further shared with whānau (family), hapū (sub-tribe), Iwi (tribe) and communities in which they interact and engage.

In 2012, I wrote an article titled ‘Māori research collaborations, Mātauranga Māori science, and the appropriation of water in New Zealand’.¹ The article attempted to critique Vision Mātauranga (VM)² policy by examining the relationship between Ngā Pae ō te Māramatanga,³ Ngāi Tahu iwi (tribe) and scientists with interests in freshwater. Seven years on, I admit to having barely scratched the surface regarding the multiple ways the policy is used as a mechanism to advance and create relationships between scientists and Māori communities in the co-production of new knowledge. Back then my commentary was somewhat sceptical of the policy’s design which does not deal with the unequal power relationships created between science experts and flax-root communities. I argued that VM had been created to commodify and globalise Māori knowledge that belongs to Māori communities and had become the expected mechanism for all engagement between university researchers and Māori communities. Much of the risk associated with forming new collaborations rested with Māori communities, and even more so with the Māori researchers who act as intermediaries and brokers between the communities and research teams. Back then, as a scholar trained in social anthropology, the way I understood knowledge transmission and the research part of my world was disconnected from the rest of my life. The probing and critical perspectives I had developed by privileging anthropological ideas and theory overshadowed other ways of interacting and understanding people and place. Like many of my anthropological colleagues I had learnt to be an ‘objective’ participant observer. The aim of participant observation is to gain a close and intimate familiarity with a given group of individuals through intensive involvement with people in their cultural environment, usually over an extended period of time. This method is highly regarded by social and cultural anthropologists around the globe. Now as the Director of a Māori research centre, I am expected to participate in all manner of engagements with Māori and non-Māori groups, and I am constantly confronted by ethical questions when undertaking research projects. VM as a process forces me to ask questions that I never did when I was trying my hand at being a bona fide anthropologist. The questions that shape my scholarship now are as follows: Who will benefit from this research and what will my legacy be?

This chapter examines the current higher (tertiary) education system in Aotearoa/New Zealand, drawing specifically on Maori (indigenous people) endeavours to engage at that level. I outline historically key practices and their underlying philosophies, which limited Maori access to higher education, especially those based on colonial views about race that positioned Maori at the lower end of the social structure in New Zealand society. The loss of language and culture, a monocultural education system, and the impact on Maori in terms of educational underachievement will be further outlined.

The chapter then examines Maori educational initiatives as a means to outline how Maori have attempted to address educational underachievement and the redress of their language, knowledge and culture. The engagement of Maori in universities, research and education will be discussed including new tertiary developments, an indigenous tertiary institution – Te Whare Wananga o Awanuiarangi.