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As the most racially diverse postsecondary sector, community college student populations are heavily Black and Brown. It is well settled that for every student credit hour earned, a financial reward is generated; however, it is not until individuals attain a baccalaureate degree that they tend to have the socioeconomic power to pull themselves and their families out from poverty. Looking specifically at mathematics achievement and self-efficacy, I examine differences among pathways by institutional level—two-year, four-year, other, or no postsecondary education—and find that there is a division in the mathematics achievement and self-efficacy of Black rural Americans (US) who attend four-year institutions as compared to all others. Thus, while policies advancing free community college may enhance the visibility and perceived affordability of community colleges for Black rural Americans (US), to reduce poverty there needs to be greater attention to the mathematics achievement and self-efficacy in K-12 education.

Burgeoning research indicates that career and postsecondary educational aspirations are salient among rural African American high school students. Yet, factors and processes that lead to their success as college students remain unclear, despite accumulating evidence suggesting the need to understand these students' college experiences. The dearth of scholarship elucidating the postsecondary experiences of African American students from rural backgrounds is particularly striking given the extensive research about the college experiences of African American students from urban and suburban locales. This chapter, grounded in W.E.B. Du Bois's Double Consciousness theory and qualitative in nature, focuses on the college experiences of rural African Americans who successfully operated simultaneously within White and Black communities in postsecondary educational settings.

Research has documented post-school outcomes for students with emotional and behavioral disabilities and learning disabilities continue to be poor. To improve student outcomes for these populations, research has recommended implementing evidence-based practices and predictors in the classroom. The purpose of this chapter is to identify evidence-based practices and predictors targeted for students with emotional and behavioral disorders and learning disabilities in the area of secondary transition. We identify and briefly describe 12 evidence-based practices and 14 evidence-based predictors for students with emotional and behavioral disorders and learning disabilities. Implications for practice and suggestions for future research are also discussed.

The analysis presented in this chapter defines three different synthetic measurements of disincentives for formal work: two standard measurements, namely, the tax wedge and the marginal effective tax rate (METR); and a new, innovative measurement called formalization tax rate (FTR). The novelty of the latter is that it measures disincentives stemming not only from labor taxation but also from benefit withdrawal due to formalization. A descriptive analysis across a large number of OECD and Eastern European countries reveals that the disincentives for formal work – when measured through the FTR – are especially high for low-wage earners. This suggests that formal work might not pay in this segment of the labor market, in particular for the so-called mini-jobs and midi-jobs (low-paying part-time work).

Another novelty of the chapter is its empirical approach. Using EU-SILC 2008 data and OECD Tax and Benefit data for six Eastern European countries (Bulgaria, the Czech Republic, Estonia, Latvia, Poland, and Slovakia), we match disincentives for formal work to individual observations in a large data set. Applying a probit regression, the analysis finds a significant positive correlation between FTR or METR and the incidence of being informal. In other words, controlling for individual and job characteristics, the higher the FTR or the METR that individuals are facing is, the more likely they are to work informally. The tax wedge, on the other hand, yields a negative correlation. This indicates that the tax wedge is not sufficiently capturing disincentives for formal work. We also conclude that in cross-country analysis, it might be more useful to use the tax wedge that applies to low-wage earners as opposed to average wage earners.

Enrollment in higher education in Brazil has been steadily growing and has reached 7 million recently. However, still only 21% of the population with age between 18 and 24 attend a higher education course. In this paper, we analyze how family income and race (defined in Brazil by self-declared skin color) affect the equity of access to higher education.

This chapter is an examination of the recent history of access for marginalized racial and socioeconomic groups to the United States’ most selective institutions of higher education, including Washington University in St. Louis (WUSTL). Utilizing WUSTL as a case study, we review the university’s place in this narrative from the Black Manifesto and the 1968 sit-in in Brookings Hall to the school’s current effort to shed its status as the nation’s least socioeconomically diverse institution as determined by the fraction of undergraduates receiving Pell grants. Through this exploration of the trend toward the diversification of admissions pools in elite higher education, the chapter concludes with the acknowledgment that selective universities in the United States have the opportunity to significantly impact the country’s racial and socioeconomic disparities.

Globalization has been a significant factor in shaping the world market, as well as higher and postsecondary education. In response to the shift to knowledge-based economies and postsecondary degrees increasingly being a prerequisite for work and engaged citizenry, the massification of higher education has led to more and more people aspiring to college enrollment. However, despite high postsecondary educational aspirations being shared across racial, cultural, and economic groups, there continue to be significant disparities among racial, ethnic, and economic groups in college access and success – a trend that has even increased in some cases.

African American females make up two-thirds of African American postsecondary enrollments and 60% of all African Americans with at least a bachelor's degree. How do brothers and sisters with shared experiences have such markedly different outcomes? I find that African American females are more likely than African American males to apply to college, to attend college, and to attend two-year colleges, four-year colleges, and selective colleges. Students' backgrounds, academic achievement, and Catholic school attendance explains the differences in the type of colleges African American females and males attend, but fail to explain differences in college application and attendance rates.