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Examines the development of Poland′s fruit industry up to 1990, followed by the situation since that year, in which legislative reforms were introduced, mainly to break up state monopolies and to privatize state assets. Analyses the Polish fruit industry in the light of the resultant shift from a sellers′ to a buyers′ market, discussing the grower, wholesaling, processing and exporting sectors, and finally the role of marketing in exporting. Conducts a SWOT analysis of the industry, as a result of which makes recommendations for: increasing growers′ influence on exports; introducing a new wholesale marketing system; improving processing equipment; rationalizing exportprocedures to the advantage of domestic competition. Sees the current transport and communication set‐ups as significant problems. Concludes that, although the temptation is to follow the capitalist route and opt for the smaller enterprise as an exporting unit, the old Communist‐style large state enterprise is still the ideal vehicle for selling fruit of Poland′s calibre abroad.

The purpose of this paper is to expand the understanding of the type of strategies that can be successful for firms located in the South to get integrated and compete in modern export fruit markets.

To achieve the research purpose of the paper the authors carry out an in-depth case study. They analyze the export strategy of Patagonian Fruits Trade, an Argentinean leading exporter of apple, pear and kiwi.

Results revealed that Patagonian Fruits Trade developed a strategy focused on supplying decommoditization to compete in modern fruit export markets. A key aspect of the firms' business model relies on its capability to meet the demand of high-income markets by providing conventional, organic and biodynamic club varieties. However, the sustainability of the strategy heavily relies on the firm's capability to fund club varieties' licenses and on the firm's ability to negotiate with clients and suppliers.

Adopting a case study method limits the generalization of results. However, it provides new insights into the type of export strategies that can be successful in modern fruit markets as well as its main limitations.

Results of the study, based on original empirical evidence, shed light on key factors for the integration of Southern fruit producers into modern fruit markets.

The Fruit Control Act, 1924, is an important one as it provides for the establishment of a Fruit Control Board, and is described as an “Act to make Provision for Control of the Fruit Trade.” The following definitions are laid down :—Board is the Export Board of Control, or a Local Control Board established under this Act. Fruit: this term is applied to apples and pears only. Fruit Trees are apple trees and pear trees only. Producers are persons carrying on business as producers of fruit for sale and being the occupiers of orchards registered under the Orchard and Garden Diseases Act of 1908. The Export Control Board may give directions as to grading, packing, handling, storage, shipment, sale, insurance against loss, display at exhibitions, and generally all matters relating to handling, distributing and disposal of fruit. It may also appoint overseas agents to act under its directions. To enable the Export. Control Board to control effectively the export of fruit, the Governor‐General may, under the Customs Act, 1913, prohibit the export of any fruit save in accordance with a licence issued by the Minister of Agriculture in terms approved by the Board. Part I. of the Act applies to fruit grown for export, and s. 3, i, states that this part of the Act shall come into operation by Proclamation approved by the Executive Council. It is, however, provided by s. 3, ii, that the Proclamation shall not issue unless a proposal has been carried at a poll of producers by a majority of valid votes recorded, and (sec. 4) if seventy per cent. of the producers in a district wish their district to be excluded from the operations of the Act, then the Minister of Agriculture shall by notice in the “ Gazette ” exclude that district. In this way the important Otago provincial district was excluded by notice on 15th January, 1925. Since it seems that no provision was made in Part I. of the original Act in the event of persons changing their minds, Otago presumably would have excluded itself for ever from the operations of the Act. The Act was designed to aid fruit growers and to further the interests of the apple exporters, for under s.s. 8–14, the Export Control Board has power to assume absolute or limited control over fruit intended for export after service on the owner of the fruit or by notice in the newspapers. It guaranteed, in fact, the quality of the fruit. Otago fruit growers seemed to have thought better of the matter, and an Amending Act (No. 6, 1932) was passed whereby (s. 2) Otago fell into line with the rest of the Dominion. Part II. of the Act applies to fruit for home consumption. It is not at present operative in any part of the Dominion, as the necessary authority under the Act has not been given by poll of fruit growers. Provision in this case, however, has been made for fresh polls to be taken if ten per cent. of the producers petition that this should be done. It is not as far as we know anywhere implied, still less expressly stated, that the Act shall be made to apply to any fruits other than apples or pears. Still, it seems only reasonable to see in this Act a basis for further legislation of the same kind which may in the future be applied to other fruits. It seems to have operated most successfully as far as apples for export are concerned. During the debate in the Legislative Council on the Fruit Preserving Industry Act of 1913, the then member for Nelson, which is perhaps the most successful apple‐growing district in the Dominion, stated that two years before—that is about the year 1911—there was a shipment of apples to England. “Nothing has been done as far as I can gather in following up that experiment.” The Minister for Agriculture was able to assure him that the apple consignment to England had turned out very satisfactorily. The export trade in apples has perhaps turned out to be far more satisfactory that anyone twenty years ago, either in New Zealand or in this country, could have supposed. The experimental shipment of 1911 was followed by the four years of war with its immense disorganisation, so that the industry, as we know it, may be said to have originated with this Act. In a word, the Act ensures uniformity of the consignments of fresh apples and pears exported from the Dominion to this and other countries. The export of fruit from New Zealand has, as everyone knows, been in operation, with varying success, for a number of years. Otago, for example, had established, through the Otago Provincial Fruitgrowers' Council, its own system of shipping and marketing fruit grown in the Province and intended for export—this indeed appears to have been the chief reason for the refusal of Otago to vote itself into control under Part I. of the 1924 Act. Still, we agree with the member for Egmont when he stated in the course of the debate on the Bill that “ the export of fruit is virtually a new business.” It will be readily seen that the control and guarantee of fruit—apples and pears—for export, and the advice and assistance rendered to the fruit growers must in the long run react on the output of the growers of every kind of fruit in the Dominion, it appears to be only a question of time. The time will have come when New Zealand grows more fruit than it can consume. When the Dominion grows the surplus fruit the amount of imported fruit must very materially decrease. Fresh fruit will still be exported, but we venture to predict that canned fruit will form a not inconsiderable proportion of the fruit trade taken as a whole when that time comes. The jam‐making industry already absorbs a considerable quantity of fruit, and if jam can be made fruit can be canned. Thirty‐five years ago a Mr. W. J. Palmer stated “ Nature has in the most unmistakable manner destined New Zealand to be pre‐eminently a fruit‐growing country… . New Zealand can produce, without artificial aid, almost everything that California has to raise by the expensive agency of irrigation.” If New Zealand can do that, then it is in as good a position to supply us with some of our imported canned fruit, as are the Dominions of Canada, Australia and South Africa, and the United States. Indeed, climatically it is on the whole better equipped than are the other countries just mentioned. Still, things seemed to have moved slowly as regards fruit‐canning in New Zealand. In 1910 and in other years the Year Book observes “ a great deal more might be done in bottling fruits … if only for home consumption.” The total amount of apples, peaches, nectarines, apricots and plums gathered in the Dominion amounts to 2,363 thousand bushels in round figures, and the last four named fruits make but 12·5 per cent. of this total. There would therefore seem to be plenty of room for expansion in the growth of these fruits which presumably form no inconsiderable amount of the fruit which is being canned for home consumption at the present time. Otago heads the list for production in all four, and markedly so for nectarines and apricots. It may be remarked that out of a total of 18 thousand acres returned as under fruit, the average size of a holding is about 7½ acres, the number of holdings decreasing rapidly after the 20–30 acre limit has been passed. New Zealand is therefore technically what we should describe as a land of small holdings as far as the fruit industry is concerned. In 1931 canned and bottled fruit valued at over £60,000 was imported into New Zealand—this figure does not include the value of imported pineapples. The country of origin was mainly Australia, and the fruits for the most part consisted of apricots and peaches. In 1931, 20,399 cwt. of fruit of New Zealand origin and valued at £45,691 was canned, and 16,086 cwt. valued at £29,337 was pulped. The Dominion has evidently still a very long way to go before it becomes self‐supporting in the matter of canned fruits, even though it may be able to grow the fruit itself, while an export trade in canned fruits is presumably still a long way below the commercial horizon.

Given the dominant share of India in global production of fruits and vegetables, this paper intends to analyze the export competitiveness of India and other major food exporters in the world trade. The purpose of this study is to examine export structure, substitutability and complementarity of selected fresh and processed fruits and vegetables of top ten food exporters for the period 2010-20.

Balassa’s (1965) revealed comparative advantage (RCA) index was used to measure RCA indices of selected fruits and vegetables under study. Also, revealed symmetric comparative advantage (RSCA) and normalized RCA (NRCA) indices have been calculated. Further, Spearman rank correlation coefficients were computed to analyze changes over the study period for India and other competing countries. The export data have been sourced from UN Comtrade, an electronic database of United Nations, as well as World Trade Statistical Review, a database of World Trade Organization. The analysis was undertaken at Harmonized System (HS) four-digit classification for the period 2010-20.

The results disclosed an improvement in India’s comparative advantage over the period of 2010-20 in HS 07 product category, whereas the advantage ceded to other competitive nations in HS 08 product category. Further, Spearman rank correlation coefficients revealed that India faces competition from countries like China, Indonesia, Brazil, Thailand, Argentina and European Union for HS 07 product category, while countries like Mexico, Indonesia, Brazil and Thailandare the major competitors of India in HS 08 product category.

The paper expands the existing agricultural trade literature in three ways. First, it is one of the very few studies that have analyzed RCA for Indian fresh and processed fruits and vegetables using three different types of indices, namely, Balassa’s RCA, RSCA and NRCA. Second, the authors provide a number of comparisons related to RCA for Indian fruits and vegetables with other top food exporters in the world for a period of 10 years (2010-20). Third, the authors contribute to agricultural trade literature by assessing the substitutability or complementarity of India in the export of fruits and vegetables with other competing nations by using Spearman rank correlation coefficients.

The purpose of this paper is to study the lemon and citrus clusters in Argentina and Uruguay, in which the central role of public-private coordination in ensuring successful participation in global value chains. International agrifood markets are increasingly segmented in terms of quality, plant health and safety standards, requiring the implementation of reliable traceability systems and certifications of good practices. These requirements call for the alignment of various actors – including private companies, plant health organizations, science and technology institutions – behind a common interest.

This study employed a series of case studies to answer the research question. Thus, the study conducted 30 in-depth semi-structured interviews with stakeholders from different public and private organizations (18 for the Argentinean case and 12 for Uruguay). This fieldwork took place between June and November 2020, where all interviews were recorded.

The clusters studied here exemplify how these challenges can be successfully met. In turn, these achievements not only represent new export opportunities, employment generation, attraction of foreign direct investment (or the opening of subsidiaries in other countries by one of the local companies) but also the possibility for small producers to benefit from a novel array of sectoral public goods and institutions that have the potential to contribute to their growth.

The adoption of a case study method limits the generalization of results.

This study sheds light on how public–private cooperation spaces and the provision of public goods might boost fruit exports.

Based on a sample of 308 enterprises, this paper studies the determinants of export organic supply chain performance. The results indicate seven positive determinants that influence positively the supply chain performance, including: (i) need-satisfying ability (NSA), (ii) relationship management, (iii) information management, (iv) quality management, (v) coordination and cooperation mechanisms, (vi) operation management, and (vii) marketing strategy of the export organic supply chain. In contrast, the differentiated segmentation strategy and cost strategy have no impact on the export organic supply chain performance.

The purpose of this paper is to understand the sustained growth of sweet cherry exports in recent years in Argentina and to what extent the coordination mechanisms between public and private institutions can explain the growth.

The research method used in the paper is descriptive and based on in-depth interviews with producers, agencies and institutions from the cherry industry. Qualitative results are complemented with analysis of key market data.

The sweet cherry industry in Argentina underwent a shake up with entry of new vertically integrated players and the technological upgrade of traditional producers that resulted in an export boom. The transformation of the industry was induced by the global market conditions and, more importantly, the promotion and complementarities achieved through a strong public–private partnership. Despite the constant increase in global demand for counter-season cherries, exports from Argentina are currently struggling to sustain growth. Among various bottlenecks, the authors find the instability of government policies (e.g. labor law, tax system, economic and trade policies) as the main cause for the slowdown in investment and expansion of the planted area.

The paper highlights the importance of understanding the growth process of an industry and the different ways in which public and private sectors can enhance export performance. The relationship between the success of private–public partnerships and the particular configuration and characteristics of the industry deserve further study. The usual limitations from single-case studies apply.

The study has two contributions. First, the study uncovers the economics underlying the development and configuration of the sweet cherry industry in Argentina. Second, the study documents a successful case of private–public partnership to boost exports and reach new markets.

The purpose of this paper is to develop and apply a framework that examines the dynamics of internationalization strategies employed by export companies in the agricultural sector of emerging economies over time, with a focus on the locus of destination markets of the Chilean fruit sector. Thus, the objective is to identify conceptual and empirical deviations from existing research on export firms participating in non-agricultural sectors of industrialized countries.

The matrix of multi-nationality developed by Aggarwal et al. (2011) is extended by incorporating the firm category of “host region” and the dimensions scale and time. This framework is utilized to classify 233 Chilean fresh fruit exporters according to their internationalization strategies based on a geographical distribution of their exports. A uni- and bivariate longitudinal analysis is conducted over a seven-year period (2009–2015) to explore the dynamics of this internationalization process.

A significant number (12.75 percent) of firms classified as “host regional” are identified, and thus a clear difference in internationalization strategies when compared to non-agricultural sectors in industrialized countries. Simultaneously, similarities in these sectors can be found. Most firms are “transregionally” (65.12 percent) or “globally” oriented (16.06 percent), mainly following a linear internationalization path when considering the number of export markets. But there is also evidence of “born-global” firms, which mainly follow non-linear internationalization paths in more geographically and psychically distant markets.

The extended framework developed in this research can be applied to future studies, particularly in the case of economies where a significant proportion of firms are predominantly focusing their export strategies on one single international market. Since this study focuses on one national sector as a prime example, further studies on other countries and sectors may provide additional evidence of its generalizability.

Based on the findings, concrete measures have been suggested to aid Chilean policy makers in implementing evidence-based economic policies, as well as Chilean public trade organizations and private export associations in the fruit sector, in relation to services such as training, strategy consulting and trade network development that they provide to export firms.

The study contributes to the existing literature by introducing the firm category “host regional” into the matrix of multi-nationality, and empirically verifies its existence among agricultural export firms in emerging economies. Furthermore, it also shows that even when it might result counterintuitive, firms from the agricultural sector share similarities in internationalization strategies with firms from industrial sectors.

The purpose of this study is to estimate and analyze the production and export viability of organic cape gooseberry to Spain, cultivated by indigenous communities in post-conflict areas.

Based on interviews with indigenous people who grow organic cape gooseberry in post-conflict areas and information from official platforms, the data are systematized, and a matrix of costs, expenses, productivity and income from the production and export of Cape gooseberry is calculated. Financial indicators of profitability are calculated: net profit, net present value (NPV) and internal rate of return (IRR). Finally, with a regression model, the trend of the behavior of the quantity and cost of Cape gooseberry exports from Colombia to Europe and Spain is estimated.

The production and export of organic cape gooseberry is profitable for indigenous communities in post-conflict areas, favored by a special price on the European market and by the use of family labor in cultivation, which improves the profitability of the product. Because of these factors, it is likely to become an alternative to partially replace illicit crops in post-conflict areas.

This research was carried out in conflict areas, so conducting interviews in that territory put the integrity of the researchers at risk.

Studies known about organic cape gooseberry production reveal the benefits of the fruit for human health, but not the viability of production and export to Spain. This study demonstrates the financial viability of the production and export of cape gooseberry grown by indigenous people and therefore constitutes an alternative for substituting illicit crops.

Probes the export behaviour of fresh fruit‐and vegetable‐marketing firms in an international context. The case study investigations comprise examination of Belgium, Chile, Canada (The Government of Ontario), New Zealand (The New Zealand Apple and Pear Marketing Board), Turkey, and South Africa (The Outspan Organization and Unifruco Ltd). Identifies selected firms′ export behaviour, export objectives, export stimuli, and export inhibitors. Explains the concept of export success and delineates profiles of successful exporters. Concludes that fresh fruit and vegetables provide scope for future contributions with reference to general theory of export marketing.