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UK government counter‐terrorism policy in the wake of the London bombings of 7 July 2005 has included an evolving set of measures seeking to engage the support of and productive interaction with UK citizens, so as to help oppose violent extremist ideology, to thwart potential sympathy for its proponents and to avert future incidents. The primary focus of such attempts has been Al‐Qaida‐influenced violent extremism. Government preventative measures have provoked controversy, especially in British Muslim communities. The article examines their reaction, from research commissioned by the Metropolitan Police Service and undertaken in London by the International School for Communities, Rights and Inclusion (ISCRI) from the University of Central Lancashire (UCLan), in its community engagement (CE) Pathfinder programme. The findings from this research find many parallels in recent academic literature and other commentaries. The authors contend that some government programmes have erroneously served to stigmatise UK Muslim communities ‘en masse’, which has been counter‐productive to the government objective of gaining community support and involvement, and has thereby compromised the effectiveness of counterterrorism preventative measures. The article highlights a different emphasis and some specific elements for a revised prevention policy in counter terrorism from consideration of these sources, including the primary evidence from Muslim communities themselves in the community engagement Pathfinder programme.

This paper seeks to examine the extent to which Financial Action Task Force (FATF) Special Recommendations and UN Security Council Resolutions on the financing of terrorism have been implemented by countries and the legal issues relating to the implementation of these requirements.

It uses the findings from a review of the International Monetary Fund and the World Bank, which is based on a sample of 18 countries that were assessed on their compliance with the FATF 40 + 9 Recommendations (which include the FATF Special Recommendations and UN Security Council Resolutions 1267 and 1373) between March 2004 and August 2005.

It analyses the extent to which the FATF Special Recommendations and UN Security Council Resolutions 1267 and 1373 have been implemented, and in particular, the areas which countries have difficulties in complying fully with the requirements and related issues. It also discusses the difficulties with applying international law instruments such as UN Security Council Resolutions 1267 and 1373 where measures were aimed at non‐state actors and their assets, as well as the need for ensuring that persons affected by these measures have adequate legal recourses.

In countering the financing of terrorism, the paper discusses the design of a new international legal framework, which requires development of new concepts. It suggests that, by addressing the legal challenges created by these new concepts, the latter can be further refined, improved and strengthened.

The paper is meant to analyse the debate over the revival of a comprehensive convention on international terrorism. The purpose of this paper is to demonstrate that a United Nations (UN) Convention on international terrorism is still necessary – provided that it is updated considering the new challenges that have recently emerged – and could be complemented by an annex containing the list of terrorist organisations, the determination of which is of common concern of the entire international community.

The analysis is conducted from an international law perspective. The paper uses a comparative perspective – counter-terrorism, Antarctic and ICAO system - to support the main argument.

The paper proposes an annex to the convention including a list of terrorist organisations. Some terrorist organisations are unanimously labelled as terrorist and therefore this list will be useful in developing cooperation among States. A system of revision is also presented; a system which emphasises the role of the UN Ombudsperson.

The proposal presented does not delve into the content of the convention which should be based on the draft prepared by the UN General Assembly ad hoc Committee and should take into account the most recent forms of terrorism. The paper does not provide an answer to all the questions, and it does not linger over the tragedy of civilians living in Syria and Iraq who have been deprived – starting long before the rise of the Islamic State – of their land and lives.

Revival of the debate on the draft convention – proposal for a renewed role of the Ombudsperson – legal implications of a list annexed to a convention on international terrorism – importance of multilateral cooperation in the field.

The paper is innovative in changing the perspective of the problem. The point of view regarding the definition of international terrorism has usually been the following: to find a common definition of international terrorism trying to overcome all the differences regarding general exceptions. The proposed perspective is to find the lowest common denominator for the definition and to identify organisations on which States cannot but agree on their condemnation.

Few articles have been published on counter‐terrorist finance (CTF) policies in the UK and fewer still have attempted to evaluate their effectiveness. This paper seeks to examine both quantitative and qualitative aspects of the UK's CTF policies from open‐source materials and in doing so considers the credibility of many of the claims by those who have attempted to evaluate their effectiveness in light of the data gathered.

The paper presents an analysis of the UK's CTF regime.

There have been just over 100 convictions under terrorism legislation offence in Great Britain alone since 11 September 2001 resulting in at least ten individuals being convicted of a CTF offence. In terms of assets frozen or seized, Robinson appears to have a point when he argued that: “when you look closely at those frozen assets, you discover that most of them have been unfrozen”, given the tens of millions of pounds returned to the Afghan Government.

This paper will be of interest to academics, politicians, practitioners interested in the use of CTF policies.

The purpose of this paper is to explore the major players operating on Al‐Saha Al‐Siyasia online community, which is by far the most widely spread political online community in Saudi Arabia receiving 20 million page views per month.

In addition to using “focused” silent observation to observe Al‐Saha Al‐Siyasia over a period of three months (May‐July 2007) and thematic content analysis to examine 2,000 topics (and their replies) posted to Al‐Saha Al‐Siyasia during the period of May‐June 2007, semi‐structured interviews were conducted (in Arabic) with 15 key informants to report their perceptions regarding Islamic fundamentalists, extremists and liberals, etc. on their forum.

The results of this study indicate that there are three main players operating in Al‐Saha Al‐Siyasia: Islamic fundamentalists, extremists, and liberals. Islamic fundamentalists who are the vast majority on this community use the forum as a medium to promote their image and defend their way of practising the religion. Extremists on the other hand, although their numbers in the forum are very small, use the forum as a medium to establish their credibility and the grounds for their actions. Finally, the liberals use the forum to communicate with the public, and advocate their plans for social reform, invite people to adopt a less strict version of Islam and adopt secularism as a way of life.

This paper continues the first comprehensive descriptive study of the size and influence of the Islamic fundamentalists, extremists, and liberals in their activities as online communities.

This paper discusses the publication “Challenges to ethical publishing in the digital era”.

It is a critical analysis of the paper built around two main arguments: the need to stress the positive in ethical debates; the critique of apolitical professionalism; the crucial need to stress the ties between politics and ethics.

No finding — it was simply argument.

Provocative challenge to dominant ethical debates.

The need to challenge the myths of professionalism.

The need for the academe to embrace more the work coming out of the alternative public sphere.

Whilst the existing literature focuses on developing prevention mechanisms for banks, this paper aims to show how feasible it still is in Austria, Germany, Liechtenstein and Switzerland to finance terrorism without getting detected.

A three-step research process, including both qualitative and quantitative methods, was applied. The empirical findings are based upon qualitative content analysis of 15 informal interviews with illegal financial services providers and 15 formal interviews with compliance experts and law enforcement officers.

During those interviews, concrete and specific methods of financing terrorism and limiting the risks of facing a criminal prosecution were discussed. The interviews were analyzed based upon a qualitative content analysis. To assess the risk, which criminals, a quantitative survey among 181 compliance officers was conducted to determine what leads to investigations.

The findings are limited to the 30 interviewees’ and 181 survey participants’ perspective.

The practical implications include suggestions for providing law enforcement and intelligence agencies with new tools, such as remote online searches of electronic devices.

Whilst the empirical findings are based upon Austria, Germany, Liechtenstein and Switzerland, the results could be applied on European level.

The paper's aim is to examine whether there is a causal link between “race” hate, particularly Islamophobia (defined as anti‐Muslim feeling and violence based on “race” and/or religion), and media treatment of Muslim communities in Britain in recent years.

The paper looks at the reporting of terror activities and examines the way the media (tabloid press) constructs racists news.

The article discusses some of the themes developed in a previous paper that looked at government policy towards Muslim communities by examining the media campaign directed against Muslims within this broader political context. The implications for the cultivation of “race” hate are considered.

The paper demonstrates that “race” hate and routine attacks on Muslim communities appear to be increasing and needs to be addressed by developing strategies that are inclusive of all disadvantaged communities, racism, “war on terror”, working class.

The paper adds to the literature on “race” hate by examining these theories in the light of recent and ongoing terror attacks and their impact on Muslim communities in Britain.