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We develop the concept of the slave-trade balance of payments and generate its table for the United States for 1790–1860. In the process, we construct new data for the slave trade, including both the physical movement and revenue figures, and we analyze these numbers. The balance of payments includes slave imports, carrying trade in slaves, purchases of slaves that fail to be imported, outfitting and provisioning slave ships, and slave-ship sales. The slave-trade balance is integrated into the standard balance of payments. Among the findings are the following: slave imports were dominated by natural growth except for one decade; US ships had the greater role than foreign ships in the import trade, but were of small—and eventually nil—consequence in the carrying trade; federal and state laws to prohibit the slave trade in all its aspects were generally effective; and the slave-trade balance of payments was a small component of the overall balance.

This chapter on anti-racism struggles applies an anti-racist activist framing, both critically examining and recognising the milestones achieved through centuries of pro-justice and anti-racism struggles. It delves into the arduous journey that the global fight for racial equity has undergone and highlights the significant progress as well as setbacks experienced during this lengthy struggle. The earliest history of the fight against racial oppression and domination goes back to anti-slavery and anti-colonial movements. Scholars have analysed the emergence, development and state of global anti-racism struggles in a variety of ways. I approach this subject from a sociological perspective, highlighting the role of social structures, groups and institutions that have contributed to shaping the outcomes of anti-racist initiatives. While recognising the role of individuals and leading political activists, this chapter emphasises anti-racism as a collective social justice struggle. To do this, I explore various local and global anti-racism endeavours and examine how they may influence discussions on race, racism and racial equity and their evolving trajectories across different societies.

The purpose of this study is to explore the perception of Turkish citizens of the severity of bribery relative to other crimes and violations.

A questionnaire survey was administered to 545 Turkish people respondents. A five-point Likert scale that measures attitudes and behaviors using answer choices was used to categorize the degree of seriousness of each crime for data analysis.

The results of the study show that bribery ranked 16th among the 33 offences surveyed, that is, it lies in the middle in terms of seriousness. The results also indicate that the average person views bribery as not a very serious crime. When compared to violent crimes, bribery is significantly less serious. As for the property crimes, bribery is significantly less serious than arson and carjacking, but it significantly more serious than damage to public property, shoplifting and bike theft. When compared to white-collar crimes, bribery is remarkably less serious than embezzlement and appreciably more serious than welfare fraud, insider trading, child labor, minimum wage and insurance fraud. The results of this study are substantial; general public do not perceive bribe as a serious crime.

This is an important study in relation to Turkey. This is as a pioneer study that indicates the relationship between bribery as a crime and other offences in Turkey. The results of this study should be useful to policy-makers in Turkey and elsewhere. Another important sight of this study is the fact that the results show different correlations with similar studies put through in the other countries. According to the studies, bribery was the least serious crime in Australia and New Zealand; it ranked in the middle in terms of seriousness in Mexico, similar to Turkey; and it was also less serious than the average offense in the USA.

This chapter is about child labour as slavery in modern and modernizing societies in an era of rapid globalization.

For the most part, child slavery in modern societies is hidden from view and cloaked in social customs, this being convenient for economic exploitation purposes.

The aim of this chapter is to bring children's ‘modern slavery’ out of the shadows, and thereby to help clarify and shape relevant social discourse and theory, social policies and practices, slavery-related legislation and instruments at all levels, and above all children's everyday lives, relationships and experiences.

The main focus is on issues surrounding (i) the concept of ‘slavery’; (ii) the types of slavery in the world today; (iii) and ‘child labour’ as a type, or basis, of slavery.

There is an in-depth examination of the implications of the notion of ‘slavery’ within international law for child labour, and especially that performed through schooling.

According to one influential approach, ‘slavery’ is a state marked by the loss of free will where a person is forced through violence or the threat of violence to give up the ability to sell freely his or her own labour power. If so, then hundreds of millions of children in modern and modernizing societies qualify as slaves by virtue of the labour they are forced – compulsorily and statutorily required – to perform within schools, whereby they, their labour and their labour power are controlled and exploited for economic purposes.

Under globalization, such enslavement has almost reached global saturation point.

Purpose – To define, compare, and contrast human smuggling and trafficking, trace the route from recruitment and transportation to arrival at the destination and exploitation; examine some incorrect assumptions about human trafficking.

Methodology – Literature review of academic studies, conference presentations, and reports issued by governmental, non-governmental, and international organizations.

Findings – Instead of being an international phenomenon in which women and children are recruited with false promises of employment and then exploited by male members of highly organized international trafficking networks, research shows that victims – including men – are exploited in their own countries outside of the commercial sexual industry by women and by others operating as individuals or often in loosely organized networks.

Value – This article summarizes what is known about human trafficking including trafficking for human organs and for children used as child soldiers.

As a growing literature points out (Aronowitz, 2009, pp. 165–213), HT becomes criminal because it involves displacing, exploiting and commercializing a human being, all of these necessitating transportation, trade and torture to varying degrees to survive and succeed (Nair, 2010, pp. 12–19). John T. Picarelli informs us, these began ‘in the Americas’ from 1502, ‘when Portuguese traders brought the first African slaves to the Caribbean’ (Picarelli, 2011, p. 180, but see all of Chapter 9). African slaves continued to be imported into the United States until 1808, but by the time the 13th Amendment ‘outlawed’ indentured servitude in 1865, the 645,000 slaves shipped from Africa had multiplied beyond 4 million, to whom were added (a) Chinese women, ‘to work in brothels … to serve both the Chinese and white communities’ after the 1860s; (b) Europeans, through collusion between ‘criminal syndicates’ and ‘U.S. [law enforcement] officials’, in what was called ‘the white slave trade’ from the 1880s (Shelley, 2010, pp. 235, 237); and (c) Hispanics (Alba & Nee, 2003; Gordon, 1964; Suárez-Orozco, 1998), in tandem with the dominant U.S. migratory inflows and economic needs after the 1960s (Borjas, 1999; Huntington, 2004, pp. 30–45), and the emergence of sex tourism after the Cold War (Clift & Carter, 2000; María Agustin, 2007; Rogers, 2009; Thorbek & Bandana Pattanaik, 2002).

This paper aims to investigate the financial aspects of the Islamic State of Iraq and Syria (ISIS), its sources of financing and the management of funds in a State-like apparatus.

It is argued that ISIS constitutes a phenomenon not only due to the extreme violence, instrumentalized via “marketing” methods but also on grounds of its declared aspiration to occupy and control land and population with ever expanding borders. After analyzing the group’s sources of funding which are closely interlinked to the areas it controls and its coordinated efforts to establish a proto-terror state framework, a strategy for addressing this threat based on international practices and decisions is being highlighted.

ISIS represents a “sui generis”, primarily self-funded State Scale Entity, a case study for Defense and Security Geo-economics. Its “economic model”, an amalgam of terrorist and criminal practices, could not be used for a viable proto-state it aspires to be.

No official data of any kind are available by international recognized organizations or bodies. The sources for this paper are primarily Western media, journalists, indirect habitants’ testimonies and very few official reports.

Caution must be exercised, when using even trivial platforms of social media and mobile applications, linked even remotely with ISIS or its affiliates.

This paper is a comprehensive presentation of the economic facets of this first modern endeavor for a terror-state.

The purpose of this paper is to examine the effectiveness of faith‐based advocacy (FBA) as a tool for mitigating human trafficking in Nigeria, where trafficking has assumed epidemic dimension. The choice of faith‐based advocacy is based on the recognition of religion as a tool for shaping people's opinions and influencing policies in Nigeria.

The methodology employed in the paper is the narrative‐textual case study (NTCS) combined with qualitative data. The NTCS method utilises human trafficking data made available by the National Agency for the Prohibition of Trafficking in Persons (NAPTIP) for the periods 2004 to 2010.

From the qualitative data sourced, the paper argues that human trafficking in Nigeria can be mitigated through faith‐based advocacy as exemplified many years back by both Muslim and Christian groups for the abolition of slavery, a similar phenomenon to human trafficking. The paper concludes that the performance of the Nigerian government in the areas of prosecuting traffickers, protecting victims, and preventing human trafficking has been commendable, but could be better enhanced and energized through the power of faith‐based advocacy.

This paper recommends that governments of Nigeria should partner with religious authorities to jointly mitigate the scourge of human trafficking in Nigeria.