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We develop the concept of the slave-trade balance of payments and generate its table for the United States for 1790–1860. In the process, we construct new data for the slave trade, including both the physical movement and revenue figures, and we analyze these numbers. The balance of payments includes slave imports, carrying trade in slaves, purchases of slaves that fail to be imported, outfitting and provisioning slave ships, and slave-ship sales. The slave-trade balance is integrated into the standard balance of payments. Among the findings are the following: slave imports were dominated by natural growth except for one decade; US ships had the greater role than foreign ships in the import trade, but were of small—and eventually nil—consequence in the carrying trade; federal and state laws to prohibit the slave trade in all its aspects were generally effective; and the slave-trade balance of payments was a small component of the overall balance.

In the first decades of the nineteenth century to the first decade of the twentieth century, the US Federal and Supreme Courts heard several cases on the legal status of ships. During this period, Chief Justice John Marshall and Justice Joseph Story determined that a ship was a legal person that was capable to contract and could be punished for wrongdoing. Over the nineteenth century, Marshall and Story also heard appeals on the illegal slave trade and on the status of fugitive slaves crossing state lines, cases that raised questions as to whether enslaved peoples were persons or property. Although Marshall and Story did not discuss the ship and the slave together, in this chapter, the author asks what might be gained in doing so. Specifically, what might a reading of the ship and the slave as juridical figures reveal about the history of legal personhood? The genealogy of positive and negative legal personhood that the author begins to trace here draws inspiration and guidance from scholars writing critically of slavery. In different ways, this literature emphasises the significance of maritime worlds to conceptions of racial terror, freedom, and fugitivity. Building on these insights, the author reads the ship and the slave as central characters in the history of legal personhood, a reading that highlights the interconnections between maritime law and the laws of slavery and foregrounds the changing intensities of Anglo imperial power and racial and colonial violence in shaping the legal person.

Historians have long understood that transforming people into property was the defining characteristic of Atlantic World slavery. This chapter examines litigation in British colonial Vice Admiralty Courts in order to show how English legal categories and procedures facilitated this process of dehumanization. In colonies where people were classified as chattel property, litigants transformed local Vice Admiralty Courts into slave courts by analogizing human beings to ships and cargo. Doing so made sound economic sense from their perspective; it gave colonists instant access to an early modern English legal system that was centered on procedures and categories. But for people of African descent, it had decidedly negative consequences. Indeed, when colonists treated slaves as property, they helped to create a world in which Africans were not just like things, they were things. Through the very act of categorization, they rendered factual what had been a mere supposition: that Africans were less than human.

The Royal African Company, the Hudson’s Bay Company, and the East India Company used both owned and hired ships in their seventeenth and eighteenth century trading operations. Why such critical assets were sometimes owned and sometimes rented is explored. Contrary to economic reasoning, ship rentals occurred in shipping markets that were uncompetitive. The use of hired ships was correlated instead to market power in the companies’ selling or output markets. The pattern of ship ownership can be attributed to the close social proximity of shipowners to decision-makers in the companies. By modeling the input hiring decision while allowing for variation in the competitiveness of output markets, it is argued that rent-seeking behavior on the part of company insiders may explain the ownership patterns.

Why, despite clear economic incentives, did eighteenth-century slave traders fail to defend their business interests against the abolition campaign? We focus on the outport of Bristol as a case in point. Our main argument is that slave traders lacked an organizational basis to translate their economic interests into political influence. Supporting evidence from merchant networks over the 1698–1807 period shows that the Society of Merchant Venturers offered such an organizational site for collective political action. Members of this chartered company controlled much of Bristol’s seaborne commerce and held chief elective offices in the municipal government. However, the Society evolved into an organization that represented the interests of a closed elite. High barriers to entry prevented the slave traders from using the Society as a vehicle for political mobilization. Social cohesion among slave traders outside the chartered company hinged on centrally positioned brokers. Yet the broker positions were held by the few merchants who became members of the Society, and who eventually ceased their engagement in slave trading. The result was a fragmented network that undermined the slave traders’ concerted efforts to mobilize against the political pressure of the abolitionist movement.

Terrorism is the new normal for tourism destinations, as the acts of terror that are performed in tourism zones ensure maximum international media coverage for such acts of terror. The frequency of acts of terror has led to the development of crisis resistant tourists, a segment of tourists that continue tourism consumption even when acts of terrorism occur. The tourism industry is negatively impacted by crises, but it has proved to be resilient, bouncing back from a temporary decline. Crisis resistant tourists have increased the robustness of tourist destinations, as almost all destinations have jumped on the tourism bandwagon. Increasingly, countries depend on the tourism industry for economic growth, economic diversification, labour-intensive jobs and attracting foreign exchange, and therefore acts of terrorism can be regarded as economic espionage. African countries still receive less than 10% of international tourism receipts, as the majority of tourism occurs between developed countries in the West. As a consequence, developing countries benefit disproportionally less from tourism. The growth rate for African tourism has exceeded global growth averages and has been included in economic development policies in many African countries.

Terrorism in Kenya's tourism industry has had an adverse impact on tourism numbers and perception about destination Kenya. Several acts of terrorism have capacitated Kenya with institutional memory on how to handle acts of terrorism on Kenya's tourism industry. Kenya is arguably one of the leading countries in tourism in the African continent alongside South Africa, Egypt and Mauritius. In addition, Kenya Airways has used the national airport in Nairobi as a growing aviation hub connecting Africa with the world. As one of Africa's top tourist destinations, Kenya has to address the issue of terrorism. The perceptions of foreign tourists, including Kenyans, are that the country is not safe anymore. As recent as early 2019, another terrorism attack took place in Kenya. This continued to strain an industry that is already under siege. It needs to be borne in mind that a country of Kenya's calibre cannot afford to lose tourists. This is because tourism plays a significant role in enhancing the livelihood of ordinary Kenyans. Additionally, it plays a pivotal role in the country's economy. Kenya provides an example of a destination country which has been able to mitigate the effects of terrorism in the tourism industry. The Atlantic Island of St. Helena, a British Overseas territory, recently constructed an airport in Jamestown to boost trade and specifically tourism to the island, to alleviate financial support from Britain to the island. The island is an unexploited dark tourism destination, as the site of freed slaves after the abolition of the Atlantic Slave trade, the exile site for Napoleon and Zulu Royalty Dinuzulu kaCetshwayo and an overseas concentration camp for the Boers after the Anglo-Boer War. The opening of the airport has created the necessary infrastructure to attract tourists to the island, and the unique selling point of the island is that it is the last outpost of British Imperialism. The island would need to exploit its dark tourism potential by appealing to the British, the South Africans and specifically heritage tourists, due to its unique offering.

Mental health is an underdeveloped service to the population generally and to African-Caribbean in particular. There is a need for more sensitive diagnosing, treatment and care. African-Caribbean people are asking for a more culturally competent mental healthcare system.

This chapter aims to address the following issues: how African-Caribbean people reflect on mental health and mental ill health. Their reflections are drawn from interviews done with African-Caribbean people who are involved with Hagar, a mental health charity in Lewisham, London. Mental health and mental illnesses will be examined, followed by the Psychiatrists’ use of the diagnostic tools that do a disservice to Black people. The Trans-Atlantic slave trade and its contribution to the mental ill health of Black people will be addressed, thus providing a historical underpinning for much of Black people’s struggle with mental ill health. Racism and its contribution to mental health issues will be presented. The views of the Black Psychiatrist Franz Fanon will be argued as a way of understanding oppression, alienation and mental ill health in Black people, and going on to open up ways of providing treatment and care. Finally suggestions will be made about how to provide a culturally competent mental health service to African Heritage peoples.

2020 has proved to be a challenging year. In addition to the challenges of COVID-19, yet again, the USA has witnessed police brutality leading to the death of a Black man, George Floyd. The Black Lives Matter (BLM) movement, founded in the US but now an international organisation which challenges white supremacy and deliberates harm against Black people, mobilised hundreds of thousands of people to take to the streets across the globe. Increasingly, the protests focus not only on George Floyd's murder but also the continued failure to challenge the celebrity of those involved in the transatlantic slave trade and European imperialism. In this article, the author will contend that many organisations are now reexamining their association with these historical wrongs against Black Africa and its diaspora. Further, the author will contend but that the failure to highlight the role of Black chattel slavery and imperialism in the accumulation of economic, commercial and political benefits reaped by the global north is a source of shame not only for many firms and institutions but also for universities.

The author has reviewed the online media for the latest developments in response to Black Lives Matter's George Floyd campaign in 2020 and reviewed the literature on the link between European global ambition and its impact on the Americas and sub-Saharan Africa.

Internationally, there is a discernible change in outlook towards the importance of the evils of slavery and colonialism on the Black experience today. These small steps will require scholars to embark on a fresh reexamination of race, society and work.

For decades, the slave trade and colonialism were issues rarely raised in government, firms and business schools. This will inevitably change especially in those countries that are the main beneficiaries of Black chattel slavery and colonial exploitation. Much Equality, Diversity and Inclusion (EDI) practice is fundamentally tokenism. A root and branch reappraisal will be needed to create more effective EDI policy and practice in support of race equality and anti-racism.

The purpose of this paper is to provide ethnographic data on the lives of children working in cocoa‐producing communities in Ghana and to illustrate the importance of contextualisation in understanding the phenomenon of child labour.

The paper is based on anthropological fieldwork carried out in Ghana using participant observation and child‐focused participatory research methods. It also includes an analysis of media sources and policy documents.

It shows that the children involved in this study worked freely and willingly on family cocoa farms. It also shows that research and interventions must be context‐based and child‐centred as forms of child labour in cocoa are not uniform across West Africa.

Unfortunately, the scope of the paper does not allow for a discussion of recent interventions and progress relating to child labour in the West African cocoa industry.

This paper challenges many of the assumptions made about child labour in cocoa and offers new insights into the lives of children in these communities.

The purpose of this paper is to theorize the social role of management systems and their political connections using ANTi-History. In so doing, it engages with academic conversations around the writing of business history. The paper focuses on subjective experience in the context of colonial privateers and the vice-admiralty court in the Napoleonic Wars era.

ANTi-History is proposed as a theoretical lens to examine the entrepreneurial work of privateers. ANTi-History destabilizes the idea of history as a dominant account of the past and is interested in controversies as to how history is produced. This paper also brings-in Bourdieu’s notion of officialization because historical knowledge is situated in official practices that conceal translations and political strategies that enable actor-networks to act as one.

The controls of the vice-admiralty court not only perpetuated the inherited British class system, but also created versions of reality that came to be accepted as recorded history. This shows that the rules and regulations of the court were not neutral accounting activities. The systems constituted the identity of actors and produced privateer history as a modernist knowledge of the past and officialized by western, white, male, elites.

The “historic turn” in management and organization studies has not been fully realized more than a decade after its introduction. This paper engages with the historic turn by providing a specific exemplar of history as applied to officialized accounts of colonial privateers. Using ANTi-History as a methodological approach also makes a contribution by promoting it beyond a prolonged descriptive phase.