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Since World War II, the United States has played a leading role in development assistance in both volume of funds and role. Though the largest bilateral development agency, USAID is somewhat of an outlier in modes of operation, scope and nature of activities, and place within government. This chapter examines the development and character of U.S. foreign assistance. Like others, the United States provides foreign aid for multiple reasons – to relieve suffering and promote long-term economic and social development, to gain favor with allies, to open markets, to help ensure national security. Security and diplomacy do play a large role in U.S. foreign aid, even in basic education. In the context of U.S. internal politics, both humanitarian/development and diplomatic/security rationales have been necessary to sustain public and government support for foreign aid. Still neither rationale has prevailed; the budget is split nearly in half. The need for a humanitarian rationale may be characteristic of U.S. foreign assistance along with the emphasis on democracy. Yet these programs have sometimes been distorted by the diplomatic rationale and the security needs of the state. Many of these tensions and the constant need to justify foreign aid likely derive from the perennial periodic isolationist thread of U.S. politics, the particular adversarial institutions of U.S. policymaking, and the transparency which leaves these processes open. Even so, U.S. development assistance has played a prominent role in the trajectory of international development post-World War II, and has worked to address many of the great challenges of the times.

Teacher Education has been transforming throughout the world to cater to the emerging needs of quality education. Significant developments have taken place nationally and internationally in political, economic, and cultural fields, influencing education in general and teacher education in particular. The quality of education depends to a great extent on the quality of teachers. And, the quality of teachers depends on the way they are educated and trained. Pakistan has a vast education sector and a huge teaching force but teacher education in the country has not been keeping pace with modernization and development globally. Teacher education curricula, dissemination, evaluation and implementation revolved around traditional models for decades. However, there has been a growing realization to reform the teacher education system lately. The education policy (2009) of Pakistan indicates such realization on the part of the stakeholders. This chapter reports on an important teacher education reform program, which is based on collaboration between the government of Pakistan and the USAID. The Teacher Education Project (TEP), assisted by USAID, is a reform initiative that aimed at restructuring and modernizing teacher education in Pakistan. This chapter aims to provide insights into the objectives, importance and achievements of the project in terms of shaping the future direction of teacher education in Pakistan. It reports on the substantial structural and policy changes that took place in teacher education under the project. This chapter also highlights the possible challenges in the way of useful implementation and sustainability of this and similar education reform initiatives in Pakistan.

The purpose of this paper is to provide an overview of similarities and distinctions between development and educational assistance in the USA as compared with other countries, this paper provides a general review of relevant materials on US foreign aid.

The paper reviews published books and articles as well as US government budget and Congressional reporting materials and Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development statistics.

Beginning with the Marshall Plan following Second World War, the USA has always been a leader in foreign aid. In many ways, US development agencies resemble counterparts in other countries – foreign aid is part of larger network of bilateral relationships, funding requests must compete with requests from other sectors, etc. In other ways, the US stands apart. Because of US Congressional reporting requirements and for philosophical reasons, the US has been reluctant to join other countries in provision of budgetary support. The US coordinates its work with host country governments, but generally organizes its activities in project mode, relying largely on US contractors. The US Agency for International Development and the Department of State are the largest US government development agencies. Still, unlike other donors, development funding and technical assistance is provided by up to 25 agencies with relatively little coordination. US foreign aid has always included a security as well as humanitarian and development dimensions. In recent years, as development assistance is increasingly coordinated with diplomacy and defense, the military dimension has been heightened. Perhaps the most original finding is the notion that public and government support of US foreign aid has required both security and development/humanitarian rationales to remain viable.

The paper brings together information from a range of existing sources, but provides a unique perspective on US foreign aid in education.

The effectiveness of foreign aid, specifically, the role it plays in promoting growth in developing countries, is one of the most debated issues in the field of economics. Despite the enormous resources channeled to developing countries over the past decades, only limited tangible results can be observed. The literature on aid effectiveness is vast. Yet, the results are inconclusive. The purpose of this paper is to examine the impact of economic aid provided by the USA on Egyptian economic growth before the Egyptian Revolution in 2011, more precisely, Mubarak’s era.

The paper uses a vector autoregressive (VAR) model and Granger causality test to answer the question of whether the US Agency for International Development (USAID) has been conductive to growth in Egypt over the period of 1981 to 2010.

The results reveal that USAID has no impact on the Egyptian economic growth.

The recommendations put forward by this paper are measures that Egyptian policymakers can undertake to increase aid effectiveness. These measures include the reduction of corruption, more active participation in delivering aid, greater accountability for aid outcomes and coordination of the activities of aid agencies.

The purpose of this paper is to analyze the evidence-based research strategy (EBRS) used to evaluate eight projects that applied the neighborhood approach for disaster risk reduction (NA-DRR) in informal urban settlements in Colombia, Guatemala, Haiti, Honduras, Jamaica and Peru, between 2012 and 2017.

The study covers the first five of the seven EBRS stages: first, identify relevant interventions; second, prepare evaluation questions; third, select evidence sources and implement a search strategy; fourth, appraise evidences and identify gaps; fifth, create an evaluation design to include an extensive literature review, followed by a mixed research method with surveys, focus groups and interviews; disaster risk modeling; georeferencing analysis; and engineering inspections. The last two stages: sixth, apply the evidence, and seventh, evaluate the evidence application, will be addressed in a near future.

Even though the reference to “evidence” is frequent in the DRR field, it is largely based on descriptive processes, anecdotal references, best practices, lessons learned and case studies, and particularly deficient on the subject of informal and precariousness settlements. The evaluation allowed a deep and broad analysis of NA-DRR in urban informal settlements, comparing it with other DRR strategies implemented by different stakeholders in fragile urban settings, assessing the effectiveness and sustainability of the various DRR interventions.

The abundant data, information and knowledge generated will serve as foundation for forthcoming thematic peer-reviewed publications informing evidence-based DRR research, policy and practice, with emphasis on informal and precariousness settlements in particular.

The purpose of this paper is to describe a quality improvement collaborative conducted in 33 Nigerian facilities to improve maternal and newborn care outcomes by increasing compliance with high‐impact, evidence‐based care standards. Intervention costs and cost‐effectiveness were examined and costs to the Niger Health Ministry (MoH) were estimated if they were to scale‐up the intervention to additional sites.

Facility‐based maternal care outcomes and costs from pre‐quality improvement collaborative baseline monitoring data in participating facilities from January to May 2006 were compared with outcomes and costs from the same facilities from June 2008 to September 2008. Cost data were collected from project accounting records. The MoH costs were determined from interviews with clinic managers and quality improvement teams. Effectiveness data were obtained from facilities' records.

The average delivery‐cost decreased from $35 before to $28 after the collaborative. The USAID/HCI project's incremental cost was $2.43/delivery. The collaborative incremental cost‐effectiveness was $147/disability‐adjusted life year averted. If the MoH spread the intervention to other facilities, substantive cost‐savings and improved health outcomes can be predicted.

The intervention achieved significant positive health benefits for a low cost. The Niger MoH can expect approximately 50 per cent return on its investment if it implements the collaborative in new facilities. The improvement collaborative approach can improve health and save health care resources.

This is one of the first studies known to examine collaborative quality improvement and economic efficiency in a developing country.