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In our public institutions it sometimes feels as though the tectonic plates of social and political contracts are shifting. Familiar coordinates are displaced or left stranded as we survey new territorial configurations and have to work out again how to find our way in public administration. The economic revolution embraced by neo-liberals and conservatives found its counterpart in a governance revolution in the very institutions that have always been designed to protect us from sharp historical and political lurches one way or another. Our public institutions – mostly coinciding with what we can call our professional institutions – which were once the filters of social and political change have become co-opted into social reform and are now all-too-frequently the conduits of that political change.

The people of Taiwan are no strangers to natural disasters; the island sits astride the junction point of the Philippine and Eurasian tectonic plates, making it a frequent victim of sometimes calamitous earthquakes. The island also lies in the path of yearly typhoons that buffet the island, risking life and property damage. These natural disasters have become a fact of life for the Taiwanese people, and the population has long looked to the government for leadership in ensuring disaster preparation, relief, and recovery. This chapter is focused on the leadership qualities exhibited by public administrators in the field of emergency management in Taiwan, and how they navigate the uncharted waters of this new field in a traditional culture. Beginning with a general examination of the cultural and societal influences on the position of leader in Taiwan society and the qualities demanded of that position, the research narrows to the specific field of emergency management and how administration in this realm is accomplished given (a) the relative newness of the field itself and (b) the cultural barriers in Taiwan to the widespread embrace of such disaster mitigation initiatives. The struggle of Taiwan public administrators to adopt disaster preparedness programs in the nation presents itself as a unique opportunity to examine how leaders in such situations walk the razor’s edge between doing what is necessary to ensure that the population have access to the advantages of the modern world while respecting the cultural sensitivities that can often stand in the way of administrative progress.

Central America is exposed to a variety of natural hazards such as earthquake, volcanic eruption, landslides, and floods. This study considers Central America as a group of six countries: Guatemala, El Salvador, Honduras, Nicaragua, Costa Rica, and Panama, on the basis of their geographical, cultural, historical, and geopolitical backgrounds. The region, located on four conjunct tectonic plates, with 24 active volcanoes, and in the path of hurricanes, has experienced 348 disasters in the last 40 years (from 1980 to 2010), resulting in 29,007 deaths (725 on an average per year) and US$16.5 billion in economic losses (US$400 million per year) (Emergencies Disasters Data Base (EM-DAT), 2009). This amount of US$16.5 billion in economic losses is nearly three times greater than Nicaragua's GDP in 2009 (US$6.14 billion), according to Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) (2010) data. High disaster risk in the region is also demonstrated from the World Bank (2005) indicating that all six Central American countries rank among the top 35 countries in the world at high mortality risk from multiple hazards.

Central America is exposed to a variety of natural hazards such as earthquakes, volcanic eruptions, landslides, and floods. The region, located on four connected tectonic plates with 24 active volcanoes and in the path of hurricanes, has experienced 348 major disasters from 1981 to 2010, resulting in 29,007 deaths and US$16.5 billion in direct economic losses. Therefore, all six Central American countries rank among the top 35 countries in the world at high mortality risk from multiple hazards. The countries in this region, including Costa Rica, began paying attention to the disaster risk management (DRM) initiative recently, after Tropical Storm and Hurricane Mitch in 1998, which was the region’s worst catastrophe of the century. After the devastation by Mitch, several local DRM capacity development projects were implemented in the region. By reviewing these project profiles of local DRM implemented in the region, this chapter identifies outcomes, lessons, and challenges of DRM at the local scale, from Mitch to the present, as a baseline for incorporating climate disaster risk reduction into local development planning.

This chapter aims to identify new perspectives of geothermal energy investments. For this purpose, all studies in the Web of Science regarding the geothermal energy are taken into consideration. These studies are evaluated with the help of text-mining approach. In this framework, most frequently stated words, two words, and three words are identified. It is concluded that technological development with respect to the geothermal energy is an important issue in this framework. After that, it is also determined that risk is another important factor in this regard. Finally, new implications regarding the geothermal energy are also considered by the researchers. Geothermal energy has a positive contribution to solve many different problems, such as energy dependency, current account deficit problem, and carbon emission. Hence, this study generated the significant issues to improve these investments. While considering the results, it is understood that technological developments related to the geothermal energy projects should be followed effectively. In addition, an effective risk evaluation should be conducted before implementing these projects.

Higher Education (HE) is spinning. The systematic erosion of our academic freedom, (Docherty, 2012) means that the authors of this chapter no longer know how to navigate what is on the horizon. The neoliberal agenda now driving HE is threatening how we work via, ‘a quiet ruination and decay of academic freedom’ (Docherty, 2012, p. 47). This chapter offers an autoethnography of a collaborative creative project that engaged the authors in dialogues about the effects of neoliberalism on how they teach, work, live and where they compare working in HE to hula-hooping as both demand relentless movement and activity to prevent everything from collapsing. Our story offers ideas for valuing time and space in our academic lives that are playful, creative, bonding, and suggest that by mastering hula-hooping, we have enjoyed a renewed sense of confidence with academic work and academic life.

We employ a range of styles of writing that seek to engage the reader with reflection on their own experiences. Guiding questions for any reader might be, but are by no means restricted to:

What are the effects of neoliberalism on how we work?

How much time do we give for creative play and risk-taking?

What creative methods can we adopt and develop in order to preserve our academic freedom?

How can we navigate the HE landscape effectively without succumbing to neoliberal pressures and shifts?

How can we value human experiences in academic work and in academic life?

Faced with institutional demands, organizations often create departments whose work is divorced from technical imperatives. This paper examines workers in one such department: Human Resources. Analysis of HR’s recent history and evidence from an ethnographic study of HR work highlight the institutional origins of conflict between HR’s established “compliance police” role and the “business partner” expectations of line managers. The paper outlines a theory of how organizational responses to institutional complexity contribute to persistent tension in HR and other heteronomous occupations.

The Cassandra Zone is that time period – and the events that occur within it – from the voicing of the first credible warnings of foreseeable future disaster until society either awakens to the threat and proactively mitigates against it, or chooses to ignore such warnings and subsequently suffers the consequences when the foretold disaster comes to pass. Whether or not that society manages to learn from its own history of disaster and use the power of state to mitigate against foretold future ones is one of the definitive criteria for determining whether, in social theorist Phillip Selznick’s terms, such a society can be deemed to constitute a moral community.

The Philippines is one of the most vulnerable countries in the world as far as climate-related and other forms of disasters (e.g., earthquake and volcanic eruption) are concerned (World Bank and NDCC, 2004; UNISDR, 2008a, 2008b). In 2004 alone, 25 weather disturbances hit the country, of which four occurred successively in November and the first week of December. These triggered massive landslides and flooding in Southern and Central Luzon, leading to damages in lives and properties (Duque, 2005). With this the country is considered as one of the most disaster prone, ranking 12th among the 200 countries most at risk to natural hazards in the 2009 Mortality Risk Index of the United Nations International Strategy for Disaster Reduction (UNISDR, 2009).