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The main purpose of this paper is to explore the extra-judicial killing situation in Bangladesh by analyzing both national and international human rights law. In addition, this paper will also identify the remedy that is available for the victim’s family for extra-judicial killing by law enforcement agencies, especially the Rapid Action Battalion of Bangladesh.

This is a qualitative research where both primary and secondary sources have used to identify the situations of extra-judicial killings in Bangladesh, the human rights instruments and the judicial activism to protect human rights.

This paper will show impunity of the law enforcement agencies increasing the number of extra-judicial killings of citizens, by violating the Constitutional and International human rights law that deal with “right to life”. The state sovereignty is not hindering the implementation of the international law, but the judiciary of Bangladesh needs to be more efficient in protecting citizens’ human rights, along with bringing criminal prosecution against members of the law enforcement agencies, by providing “effective and adequate” remedy to the victim’s family.

While analyzing the “right to life” under the International Human Rights Conventions, this paper will only deal with the UDHR and the ICCPR, as Bangladesh has ratified those Conventions.

This paper will add value to identify the present rights of the citizen under domestic and international law and to incorporate new legislation through finding the lack of present legislation to protect the right to life and remedy for extra-judicial killings in Bangladesh.

India and Bangladesh are historically, geographically, and culturally tied to each other to an extent that try as they might they cannot escape this reality and so have to inevitably deal with each other. India's role in the establishment of an independent Bangladesh in 1971 meant that for few years India enjoyed a privileged relationship with the new state. India's assistance to the refugees from East Pakistan as well as its relief and reconstruction aid went a long way in establishing the foundations of a new state. India, not surprisingly, was also the first state to grant recognition to Bangladesh; by pulling its troops out of Bangladesh soon after the end of the war it also acknowledged the new state's sovereignty.¹ In 1972, the two states even signed a “Treaty of Friendship and Peace” for a term of twenty-five years, declaring that each side would respect the independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity of the other, and also refrain from interfering in each other's internal affairs.

The Ukraine crisis, which began with Russia's military intervention, has violently jolted the modern world. The egregious Russian invasion of Ukraine, on the other hand, has arguably altered the trajectory of the world order. This whiff of war does not exclude any state because all states in the world system are economically, politically, and socially interconnected and dependent on one another. Bangladesh is also feeling the effects of the Ukraine crisis. The crisis has highlighted some challenging aspects of Bangladesh's foreign policy, testing the robustness and independence of its decision-making process regarding United Nations resolutions. Myanmar, like Bangladesh, has appeared befuddled in its response to the crisis. This paper examines how Bangladesh and Myanmar's foreign policy anticipated an unwanted labyrinth by the crisis, which made its moral credibility critical to some extent. Furthermore, the paper discusses how these two countries’ foreign policy trajectories became entangled at a difficult crossroads. We used secondary data sources backed up by scholarly works on Bangladesh and Myanmar foreign policy, relevant books, recent reports, and writings on the subject for this article. This paper also sheds light on Bangladesh's U-Turn in supporting and speaking out in support of the UN resolution on Ukraine's humanitarian crisis.

Aim of the present monograph is the economic analysis of the role of MNEs regarding globalisation and digital economy and in parallel there is a reference and examination of some legal aspects concerning MNEs, cyberspace and e‐commerce as the means of expression of the digital economy. The whole effort of the author is focused on the examination of various aspects of MNEs and their impact upon globalisation and vice versa and how and if we are moving towards a global digital economy.

This paper aims to discuss the discourse of globalisation and its implications in the case of state-owned jute mills (SOJMs) in the post-colonial state of Bangladesh.

The authors draw upon a critical debate on the concept of globalisation and critical political economy to revisit the country’s historical, political, social and cultural construction to discuss conditions of its conformity within the global order. Additionally, the perspective of subaltern studies underpins discussion of the context of the post-colonial state.

A schematic analysis of the context surfaces issues that underpin the process of “truth production” and that have contributed to global integration of the Bangladesh economy. We consider how this discourse benefits some people, while over time, the majority are dislocated, excluded and deprived. Hence, this discourse denotes a territorial power of globalism that leads us to conceptualise Bangladesh as a neo-colonial state.

Through a case study of SOJMs, this paper contributes to discussion on the essence and implications of the globalisation discourse and on how its methods and techniques reinforce hegemony in the name of development and sustainability in the forms of liberalisation, democratisation and good governance in a state like Bangladesh.

The purpose of this paper is twofold: first, to assess the impact of the 1999 Special Issue on Professionalization in Asia in the Accounting, Auditing and Accountability Journal (AAAJ); and second, more generally to review research on this topic post-1999.

The paper starts with a discussion of the research articles of the Special Issue. It then identifies research that has cited papers in the Special Issue and which focusses on professionalization in Asia to identify relevant subsequent research. In addition, a literature search is conducted to locate post-1999 work that has not cited papers from the Special Issue but has investigated the same topic area. Analyzing both sets of work enables an integrated review of the field and aids the identification of future research opportunities. The study covers published research articles and books on professionalization projects in Asia from 1999 to 2018. In this paper, reference to Asia focusses on East Asia (including countries such as China and Japan), South Asia (including countries such as Bangladesh, India and Sri Lanka), and South East Asia (including countries such as Brunei, Cambodia, Indonesia, Malaysia, the Philippines and Vietnam). Given the elapsed time of near 20 years, there has been sufficient time for research to be published. Therefore, the review focusses on published output only and does not discuss unpublished theses, conference proceedings nor working papers.

First, the Special Issue of AAAJ in 1999 generally adopted a critical lens and studied professionalization as projects of market closure and collective mobility. The corporatist framework of Puxty et al. (1987) provided a useful framing to analyze the influence of states, markets and communities on professionalization. Second, the Special Issue has helped to spur interest in understanding professionalization in the region. Post-1999, there are studies of countries not covered in the Special Issue. Third, the themes identified in the Special Issue continue to be relevant and are examined in post-1999 work: the active role of the state, the legacies of colonization, the activities of transnational accounting bodies; and to a lesser degree, the influence of transnational accounting firms. Finally, future research could usefully focus on: the distinctive and more expansive role of Asian state agencies; the conduct of deeper comparative research; the role of accounting firms in the region; and the impact of transnational agencies such as the International Federation of Accountants and the World Bank.

There are three limitations. First, the review of literature omits unpublished research such as PhD theses and working papers. Second, it focusses only on research published in English. As a result, some work may be excluded. Third, it assesses the contribution of a single issue (i.e. the 1999 AAAJ Special Issue) and does not discuss work that preceded 1999.

This paper is aimed at assessing the impact of the 1999 Special Issue but also presents a wide-ranging analytical review of published research on accounting professionalization in Asia since 1999. The paper identifies several areas for future research and proposes a modified model of state-market-community-profession relations. In particular, the paper emphasizes the large and distinctive roles of Asian state agencies and the activities of transnational actors (both those within the profession as well as those that are external).

This paper argues that the process of globalization represents an involuntary constraint on the sovereignty of decision making in a country. To this extent globalization may appear to be inimical to democracy which represents the sovereign will of the people. Countries with weak democratic institutions and undiversified, externally dependent economies, are particularly vulnerable to the pressures of globalization. The extent to which a country can cope with globalization depends on the strength of their democratic institutions and their capacity to structurally diversify their economies. Strengthening democracy and widening the incidence of benefits from globalization will serve to enhance the legitimacy and sustainability of the process.

The fast depletion of natural resources that has resulted in the scarcity of resources and degradation of environment and the subsequent conflict over resources within and among the states have given rise to a growing concern for environmental security all over the world. It may be pointed out here that since the beginning of human civilization, humans have been relying on the environment for their needs and demands. Therefore, the concern of human beings to the environment has been always and obvious. But now with the depletion of natural resources, the concern for environmental security is being advocated. The purpose of this paper is to analyze environmental issues in the context of South Asia. It may also be added here that in a situation as stated above, any stress on the environment can cause conflicts involving violence within the state as well as between the nation states. Moreover, this paper will look into other issues related to the environment degradation in India and Bangladesh.

The first approach confines environment to the nature and the problems and constraints related to it. It can be termed as ecological approach. This approach is too narrow in its scope, as nature alone is not responsible for many types of hazards. How it is being exploited and protected is equally important. The other approach has been termed as the maximize approach and it includes both the ecology and its human domains. This approach takes into consideration the interaction between the two. It believes that the excessive dependence of human beings affects the environment. Also, the depletion and degradation of the environment affect human beings. The environmental security has to include both the domains and understand their inter-linkages. In fact, the uses of environment and its proper maintenance are related to the human domains.

The environment-related problems and their implications are more similar in both countries. It is true that there is a growing awareness on environmental issues in almost all the countries in the last few years and the individual countries have persuaded environment-friendly policies in certain sectors. Apart from this regional level, a common approach to securing the environment may involve the following aspects: sharing of knowledge and expertise regarding population control measures, policies and programs; cooperation for development and poverty eradication; regularization of inter-state migrations, evolving a regional framework for controlling, repatriation and rehabilitation of refugees; establishment of a system of disaster management and disaster preparedness at the regional level; exchange of knowledge and research works on seismic tremors, earthquakes, and landslides, their causes and possibilities; evolving common flood control measures and development of a regional flood warning system; common measures can be taken up for increased agriculture productivity, treatment of salinity, development of cyclone warning system, reforestation, development of water resources, air pollution control system, etc.

This research will not only be useful for India and Bangladesh but also for other South Asian countries and developing countries as well.

Much has been written about the behaviour of muntinational corporations (MNCs) and their relations with the nation state. However, there seems room for closer examination of the dynamics of such relations between developing economies and MNCs operating in sectors of strategic importance to the developing economy. The research reported here examines relations between international shipping companies and Bangladesh. The paper starts by reflecting on the growth and influence of the MNC, and the varied ways that such influence is manifest. This provides a backdrop against which to examine relations between shipping MNCs and Bangladesh. Following this review, the research design is sketched out, as a study of relations between Bangladesh as an emerging economy and shipping MNCs in pursuit of their business objectives. The study finds that regardless of political ambitions by the host economy, and regardless of the ethical proclamations of MNCs, it is the everyday challenges and opportunities of doing business that shapes ethical practices. Corporate officers, in dealing with local officials, take a pragmatic approach to achieving business objectives, while being fully aware that such pragmatism is often at odds with corporate moral intention. The study also finds that what counts as corporate socially responsible behaviour is politically defined.