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This paper discusses data-collection strategies that use digitized historical newspaper archives to study social conflicts and social movements from a global and historical perspective focusing on nationalist movements. I present an analysis of State-Seeking Nationalist Movements (SSNMs) dataset I, which includes news articles reporting on state-seeking activities throughout the world from 1804 to 2013 using the New York Times and the Guardian/Observer. In discussing this new source of data and its relative value, I explain the various benefits and challenges involved with using digitized historical newspaper archives for world-historical analysis of social movements. I also introduce strategies that can be used to detect and minimize some potential sources of bias. I demonstrate the utility of the strategies introduced in this paper by assessing the reliability of the SSNM dataset I and by comparing it to alternative datasets. The analysis presented in the paper also compares the labor-intensive manual data-coding strategies to automated approaches. In doing so, it explains why labor-intensive manual coding strategies will continue to be an invaluable tool for world-historical sociologists in a world of big data.

This paper aims to examine the secessionist orientation of Kurdistan Region’s paradiplomacy in the context of two main variables: the internal structural variables in Iraq after 2003 and the nationalism variable.

This study relies on the theory of neoliberalism to explain the transformation of Kurdistan’s paradiplomacy to protodiplomacy. It also relies on legal approach through using the Iraqi constitution and the draft constitution for the Kurdistan Region.

The internal structural variables are one of the main variables to motivate the region with advanced nationalism to pursue a protodiplomacy. Secession or forming an independent state of Kurds is a historic requirement supported by the advanced nationalism of Iraqi Kurds.

This study encourages focusing on the crucial role of the internal structural variables that drive the regions, especially with the advanced nationalism to pursue a protodiplomacy. Also, this study recommends giving more focus on the external variables and Kurdistan’s secession.

This paper reveals the reality of Kurdistan’s protodiplomacy.

The Federal Government of Pakistan has been interrogated by the tribal communities of the country regarding socio-economic inclusiveness. The Islamic Republic of Pakistan has a large number of ethnic groups, and most of them are economically vulnerable and societally excluded due to partial governmental policy and societal construction. Most of the tribal groups are concentrated in Baluchistan, North-Western Frontier province and the Federally Administered Tribal Areas (FATA). Due to the lopsided developmental policy and existence of the feudal system, the wealth and lands are concentrated in a handful number of rural elites. The tribal communities are not only socio-economically backward but also trapped by terrorism. Due to financial crisis and large-scale unemployment, tribal youths have been involved with various radical forces and criminal activities. The secessionist movement of the Baloch people has a long history of deprivation. This chapter intends to investigate the socio-economic challenges of the tribal people of Pakistan and the reluctant outlook of the federal government. It will also delineate how the tribal youths are being attached to terrorist groups due to unemployment and how this is more dangerous to the security of Pakistan. This chapter is based on the content analysis method. The basic argument of this chapter is that socio-economic inclusiveness is required in a multi-ethnic country to ensure social harmony, national integration and national security.

In recent years, there has been a rapid decline in the quality of working life (QWL) of Nigerian workers at all levels. This phenomenon is cryptic and knowledge thereof is inadequate due to a dearth of compelling research on QWL in Nigeria. The purpose of this paper is to a deeper understanding of QWL among Nigerian workers by investigating the impact of corruption and regional crises on QWL in this non-western context. The study also examines what QWL means to Nigerian employees.

The study employs qualitative data gleaned from semi-structured interviews.

The research reveals that corruption has a strongly negative effect on employees’ QWL, which in turn affects their motivation, attitude towards their job and the psychological contract between them and their employers. Furthermore, the findings revealed that regional crises (such as the heinous activities of the Boko Haram sect in the north–east, the continuing agitation of the secessionists (e.g. the Indigenous People of Biafra), in the south–east, and the tumultuous activities of the Niger Delta Avengers in the south–south) have combined to reduce employees’ QWL.

The extent to which the findings of this research can be generalised is constrained by the selected sample of the research (public sector employees).

These results and the practical implications thereof will be useful to the Nigerian Government, policymakers and organisations for creating and enhancing good QWL in Nigeria.