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- Civil war
- Diasporas
- Dictatorships
- Dysfunctional politics
- ELF index (index of ethno-linguistic fractionalization)
- Ethnic diversity
- Ethnic dominance
- Ethnic hatreds
- Ethnicity
- Fractionalization
- Fragmented societies
- Multiethnic societies
- Nation building
- Nationalism
- OECD countries
- Victimization of minorities
State‐sponsored ethnic discrimination is in danger of undermining the complex mix of indigenous ethnic minorities which make up the Latvian labour market. Systematic labour market…
Abstract
State‐sponsored ethnic discrimination is in danger of undermining the complex mix of indigenous ethnic minorities which make up the Latvian labour market. Systematic labour market discrimination has resulted from restrictive legislation on citizenship and language which preserves a substantial list of jobs for citizens and Latvian speakers. A naturalisation process has been introduced for permanent residents, but the procedures associated with it also discriminate against the 45 per cent of the population who are Russian speakers. This paper presents a systematic account of these developments and highlights the economic, social and political dangers inherent in the legislation, and in the recent shift in the educational system to tuition in Latvian only.
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Diddy Antai, Sara Wedrén, Rino Bellocco and Tahereh Moradi
Each ethnic group has its own peculiar cultural practices that may widen inequalities in child health and survival among ethnic groups. This study estimated ethnic disparities in…
Abstract
Each ethnic group has its own peculiar cultural practices that may widen inequalities in child health and survival among ethnic groups. This study estimated ethnic disparities in mortality of under‐five‐year‐olds, controlling for individual and community level characteristics. Using multilevel multivariable regression analysis on a nationally representative sample drawn from 7,864 households in the 2003 Nigeria Demographic and Health Survey, we estimated the risks of deaths under‐five‐year‐olds for 6,029 children nested within 2,735 mothers aged 15‐49 years old, who were in turn nested within 365 communities. Results were expressed as odds ratios with 95% confidence intervals. The observed risk of under‐five death was highest among children of Hausa/Fulani/Kanuri mothers and lowest among children of Yoruba mothers. The mother's affiliation to the Yoruba ethnic group, compared to Hausa/Fulani/Kanuri, was still significantly associated with decreased under‐five mortality (OR = 0.66, 95% CI = 0.45 ‐ 0.96) after adjustment for individual and community level factors. Under‐five mortality was significantly related to socio‐economic and demographic factors (birth order/birth interval, mother's age, and mother's education), which explained much but not all of the ethnic disparities. Findings underscore the need for measures aimed at improving female education and the socio‐economic standard of women, changing short birth spacing norms and reducing inequitable distribution of maternal and child health services.
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Shah Muhammad Kamran, Hongzhong Fan, Butt Matiullah, Gulzar Ali and Shafei Moiz Hali
This paper not only draws conclusions from the available literature but also offers some new factors as well, which are not included in the existing literature. To be more…
Abstract
Purpose
This paper not only draws conclusions from the available literature but also offers some new factors as well, which are not included in the existing literature. To be more precise, the purpose of this paper is to ascertain factors behind the clustering of the motorcycle industry, a low-tech and low investment industry. This paper weighs the government’s policies, role of factors of production, infrastructure, geography and other drivers for the subject industry and associated industries in the geographic location of Hyderabad.
Design/methodology/approach
For collection of data, a questionnaire was designed to survey the cluster (n=250) after reviewing the literature and conducting interviews of experts of the motorcycle manufacturing industry, i.e. owners, managers, auditors, suppliers, etc.; a component matrix was developed to reduce the dimension of factors and measure the correlation, which helped to weigh the influence of factors. A confirmatory factor analysis proposed four factors as the best fit.
Findings
The study conjectured a new viable factor for industrial clustering: “ethnic community,” as it acts as a catalyst to diffuse knowledge, experience and skills within the industrial cluster.
Research limitations/implications
This research does not find the weightage of the factors for industrial clustering, i.e. it does not calculate the influence of factors behind the industrial clustering.
Practical implications
The above findings aim to stimulate policy makers and researchers alike to further pursue the line of inquiry developed in this paper.
Originality/value
A first-time confirmatory factor analysis is used to find the reasons of industrial clustering. Root mean square error of approximation is used to test the model fit. Most importantly, it is the research about an emerging industrial cluster.
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Capacity building in fragile and post‐conflict situations is specially challenging for policy makers in that it represents a situation that needs to be carefully managed…
Abstract
Capacity building in fragile and post‐conflict situations is specially challenging for policy makers in that it represents a situation that needs to be carefully managed. Understanding the dynamic link between capacity building and conflict requires understanding the nature and determinants of conflicts, their duration, intensity and the modalities for their cessation and post‐conflict reconstruction. This study attempted to do that from systemic or theoretical perspective. A major common theme that runs across the literature is that post‐conflict recovery and sustainable development and the associated capacity building exercise in Africa need to have the following four feature: (1) first a broad development planning framework with a fairly long‐time horizon and an overarching objective of poverty reduction; (2) second, social policy‐making in such countries is expected to be distinct from non‐conflict countries. This signals the need to articulate country specific policies and (3) third, intervention in such states requires a high volume of aid flows and (4) forth it need to be preceded by deeper understanding of African societies by donors. This study by outlining such basic issues from theoretical perspective resorted to an outline of three core areas of capacity building that are needed in post‐conflict and fragile states: capacity building to address immediate needs of post‐conflict states, capacity building to address the core economic and political causes of conflict, as well as, capacity building to address issues of finance and financial sector reconstruction. Each of these aspects is discussed in detail in the study. The study underscores the need to view and understand capacity building exercise as part and parcel of a broad developmental problem which requires broader developmental solutions.
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The purpose of this paper is to explain the difference between social inequality and identity.
Abstract
Purpose
The purpose of this paper is to explain the difference between social inequality and identity.
Design/methodology/approach
The paper presents a conceptual view.
Findings
The paper notes that the concepts are often confused, as in arguments that equality is impossible because everyone is different. It is pointed out that equality and inequality are not opposites; that equality is simply the zero point on the infinite range of inequality. The existence of inequality depends on socially recognised difference. The difference may often be simply a basis for socially imposed inequalities, as with ethnicity and gender, or it may be a real cause of inequality as with health differences. Nine important inter‐related bases of inequality are considered. Equality does not require zero inequality on all aspects but merely a balance of inequalities. However, the complexity means it is difficult to define or recognise total equality. The nearest would be that all individuals are regarded and treated as equally important. The zero point of inequality may be unattainable, but the real issue is the actual extent of inequality, which could be very substantially reduced.
Originality/value
This original paper is of value in correcting some misconceptions and improving understanding of an important subject.
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Reactive groups adopt a variety of repertoires ranging from institutional resistance to violence to counter mobilizing efforts of movements. Countermovement studies provide useful…
Abstract
Reactive groups adopt a variety of repertoires ranging from institutional resistance to violence to counter mobilizing efforts of movements. Countermovement studies provide useful insights into how violence by non-state actors can constrain social movements’ success. Few studies however considered the possibility that violence may, on the contrary, facilitate the outcomes sought by the movement. Under what conditions do political killings of movement members affect support for the movement? To answer this question, we follow the evolution of the Kurdish ethnic movement in Turkey as a movement party and track changes in the movement’s constituency in response to countermovement violence (1991–2002). The study uses an original dataset of countermovement killings by the ethnic movement’s Islamist rival, Hizbullah, across 113 districts in 13 southeastern provinces. We demonstrate that countermovement violence has non-uniform effects on electoral support for the movement party. These effects are conditional on initial movement strength: in localities with prior loyalties to the ethnic movement, Hizbullah-inflicted harm consolidates the movement party’s constituency. By contrast, countermovement violence is met with reduced support where the movement is weak and is struggling to make inroads to the community. Our findings suggest that initial preferences might play important roles in understanding movement outcomes.
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Partha Gangopadhyay and Manas Chatterji
We can divide the humanity into 5,000 ethnic groups who reside in 160 distinct states in the world. On an average this implies that only one randomly picked state out of every 10…
Abstract
We can divide the humanity into 5,000 ethnic groups who reside in 160 distinct states in the world. On an average this implies that only one randomly picked state out of every 10 states is ethnically homogenous. In other words the borders between different ethnic groups do not accord with national borders. We, hence, live in a melting pot of ethnicity and most countries are ethnically heterogeneous. In an alternative fashion, we can make a statement about our ethnic diversity by making a simple observation that there are over 600 living language groups in 184 states in the world. There is thus a reason to believe that the human race confronts a serious and endemic ethnic diversity, which is also increasingly accompanied with unprecedented ethnic rivalry, competition, conflicts, violent clashes and all-out wars. Our chapter provides a comprehensive investigation into the economic causes and consequences of ethnic heterogeneity in our modern world. In order to understand the basic economics of ethnic diversity, we will focus our attention to what is commonly known as ‘global firms’ who employ people from diverse ethnic backgrounds. The consequences will be examined in the context of modern societies where the global firms play an important economic role.