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1 – 10 of over 1000Jennifer Pearson, Lindsey Wilkinson and Jamie Lyn Wooley-Snider
Purpose: Sexual minority youth are more likely than their heterosexual peers to consider and attempt suicide, in part due to victimization experienced within schools. While…
Abstract
Purpose: Sexual minority youth are more likely than their heterosexual peers to consider and attempt suicide, in part due to victimization experienced within schools. While existing research suggests that rates of school victimization and suicidality among sexual minority students vary by school and community context, less is known about variation in these experiences at the state level.
Methodology: Using data from a large, representative sample of sexual minority and heterosexual youth (2017 Youth Risk Behavior States Data, n = 64,746 high school students in 22 states), multilevel models examine whether differences between sexual minority and heterosexual students in victimization and suicide risk vary by state-level policies.
Findings: Results suggest that disparities between sexual minority and heterosexual boys in bullying, suicide ideation, and suicide attempt are consistently smaller in states with high levels of overall policy support for LGBTQ equality and nondiscrimination in education laws. Sexual minority girls are more likely than heterosexual girls to be electronically bullied, particularly in states with lower levels of LGBTQ equality. Disparities between sexual minority and heterosexual girls in suicide ideation are lowest in high equality states, but state policies are not significantly associated with disparities in suicide attempt among girls.
Value: Overall, findings suggest that state-level policies supporting LGBTQ equality are associated with a reduced risk of suicide among sexual minority youth. This study speaks to the role of structural stigma in shaping exposure to minority stress and its consequences for sexual minority youth's well-being.
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The purpose of this paper was to examine the robustness of the findings on educational advantage among sexual minority men.
Abstract
Purpose
The purpose of this paper was to examine the robustness of the findings on educational advantage among sexual minority men.
Methodology/approach
Using nationally representative data (AddHealth) and controlling for other predictors of academic attainment, we examine the educational attainment of sexual minority males by using hierarchical regression and logistical regression for two measures of sexual identity.
Findings
We find robust differences in educational attainment across analyses and sexual orientation constructs. Our results show sexual minority identity predicts up to a year more of education for male respondents and consistently reporting male homosexuals have an even greater advantage, more than one and a half years, compared to inconsistent responders.
Originality/value
Our results extend previous research on educational outcomes for nonheterosexual adolescents, suggesting there are sustained differences in long-term educational outcomes for nonheterosexual adults and supporting earlier analyses of the AddHealth survey data. This study contributes to the existing literature by examining educational attainment as measured by continuous years and cut-points, using two measures of sexual orientation, providing estimates for all Wave 4 sexual minority identities (i.e., not collapsing any sexual minority category), and controlling for adolescent school geography and type. Moreover, we find early identification of sexual orientation and stability of sexual orientation may be an important source of variation in identifying LGBTQ adolescents who are at greater academic risk or who may benefit from increased social support.
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The purpose of this paper is to fill a research and literature gap by examining the nature and impact of hate crime victimisation on police officers, and their responses to it…
Abstract
Purpose
The purpose of this paper is to fill a research and literature gap by examining the nature and impact of hate crime victimisation on police officers, and their responses to it. The research explores victimisation due to the occupational stigma of policing and the personal characteristics and identities of individual officers.
Design/methodology/approach
The research design is qualitative, based on 20 in-depth interviews with police officers in one English police force. Thematic analysis was applied to the data.
Findings
All participants had experienced hate crime arising from their occupational or personal identities. Initially shocked, officers became desensitized and responded in different ways. These include tolerating and accepting hate crime but also challenging it through communication and the force of law.
Research limitations/implications
This research is based on a small sample. It does not claim to be representative but it is exploratory, aiming to stimulate debate and further research on a contemporary policing issue.
Practical implications
If further research works were to confirm these findings, there are implications for police training, officer welfare and support, supervision and leadership.
Originality/value
The police occupy a problematic position within hate crime literature and UK legislation. This paper opens up debate on an under-researched area and presents the first published study of the hate crime experiences of police officers.
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Abstract
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Keywords
- Civil war
- Diasporas
- Dictatorships
- Dysfunctional politics
- ELF index (index of ethno-linguistic fractionalization)
- Ethnic diversity
- Ethnic dominance
- Ethnic hatreds
- Ethnicity
- Fractionalization
- Fragmented societies
- Multiethnic societies
- Nation building
- Nationalism
- OECD countries
- Victimization of minorities
Purpose – Police violence involving minority citizens is a significant problem in the United States. Efforts to explain the disparate treatment of minorities have often relied on…
Abstract
Purpose – Police violence involving minority citizens is a significant problem in the United States. Efforts to explain the disparate treatment of minorities have often relied on structural-level racial threat hypotheses. However, research framed by this macro-level approach fails to consider meso-level characteristics of spatially specified places within cities. The place hypothesis maintains that police see disadvantaged minority neighborhoods as especially threatening and, therefore, use more violence in them. Reconceptualizing the racial threat model to include meso-level characteristics of place is essential to better explain police violence.
Design/methodology/approach – The argument is investigated using literature drawn from quantitative analyses of structural predictors of police violence and qualitative/quantitative studies of the police subculture and police behavior within disadvantaged neighborhoods.
Findings – Research on the effects of city-level racial segregation on police violence supports the place hypothesis that the incidence of police violence is higher in segregated minority neighborhoods. City-level segregation is, however, only a proxy for the degree of concentrated minority disadvantage existing at the meso-level. Community-level studies suggest that the police do see disadvantaged places as especially threatening and use more violence in them. Plausibly, meso-level neighborhood characteristics of cities may prove to be better predictors of the incidence of police violence than are structural-level characteristics in cross-city comparisons.
Originality/value – This analysis builds on structural-level racial threat theories by demonstrating that meso-level characteristics of cities are central to explaining disparities in the use of police violence. A multilevel approach to studying police violence using this analytic framework is proposed.
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Hoon Lee, Hyunseok Jang, Ilhong Yun, Hyeyoung Lim and David W. Tushaus
The purpose of this paper is to examine police use of force using individual, contextual, and police training factors, expanding prior research by including multiple police…
Abstract
Purpose
The purpose of this paper is to examine police use of force using individual, contextual, and police training factors, expanding prior research by including multiple police agencies in the sample, thus producing research findings that can be more easily generalized.
Design/methodology/approach
The data for the current study were derived from several primary sources: the Interuniversity Consortium for Political and Social Research (ICPSR). Census, Uniform Crime Reports (UCR), Bureau of Labor Statistics (BLS), and 1997 Law Enforcement Management and Administrative Statistics (LEMAS).
Findings
Among individual level variables, age and arrestee's resistance were significant explanatory factors. Violent crime rate and unemployment rate were significant factors as the neighborhood contextual variables. Finally, in‐service training was a significant organizational‐level explanatory factor for levels of police use of force.
Originality/value
The paper bridges the gap in research between contextual factors and police use of force. It also deepens our understandings of the association between organizational factors and use of force by incorporating police training into the analytical model.
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The purpose of this paper is to present a state-of-the-art review on the topic of neighborhood/ecological influence on police use of force. In doing so, it provides an overview of…
Abstract
Purpose
The purpose of this paper is to present a state-of-the-art review on the topic of neighborhood/ecological influence on police use of force. In doing so, it provides an overview of the theoretical formulation and early ethnographic work on the topic as well as an in-depth critique of the issues that require further discussion.
Design/methodology/approach
Using several databases, a literature search was performed to collect the available empirical studies on the topic.
Findings
An analysis of the extant literature suggests that neighborhood/ecological influence on police use of force might not be as uniform as previously discussed, and it suffers from the ability to make sufficient comparisons. Tests vary based on the use of force measures, units of analysis, and the neighborhood-level variables examined.
Originality/value
This review should serve as a point of departure for scholars working in this area moving forward. It is hoped that the review provides thought-provoking commentary on the limitations of previous studies and the challenges facing this line of inquiry in the future.
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We continue with our examination of The Grass Roots Approach potential opportunities coupled with potential risks The theme I now propose to develop is that, though the transfer of…
Abstract
We continue with our examination of The Grass Roots Approach potential opportunities coupled with potential risks The theme I now propose to develop is that, though the transfer of responsibility to the grass roots is a necessary condition of survival and prosperity, it carries with it a mass of unsolved — and, indeed, as yet, unconsidered — problems and is exposed to such immense risks that, if things were to go wrong, the outcome could be catastrophic. It is also part of my theme that the grass roots movement will gain strength and will expand considerably and rapidly. It isn't going to go into reverse. I foresee grass roots becoming one of the catch‐phrases of the eighties, just as involvement and motivation were the catch‐phrases of the sixties and participation the catch‐phrase of the seventies. A parallel development is likely to take place. Already the vocabulary of grass roots is beginning to creep into the politicians' bag of goodies and in the process it is coming to mean all things to all men, as in the case of participation at the earlier stage.
The purpose of this paper is to comment on the outbreak of disturbances in England and other parts of the world. It seeks to argue that in many cases rioting and the breakdown of…
Abstract
Purpose
The purpose of this paper is to comment on the outbreak of disturbances in England and other parts of the world. It seeks to argue that in many cases rioting and the breakdown of public order is a direct response to policing practice. While many policy makers argue that a likely rise in public unrest during the economic downturn is an argument for raising funding for law enforcement, an examination of disturbances in England, France, the USA and Tunisia suggests that it is not the absence but the heavy and unrestrained presence of police that sparks disorder. This in turn relates to the functions policy makers have loaded onto the police, which have little to do with public safety but strain relations between law enforcement and the community.
Design/methodology/approach
This paper is a policy assessment.
Findings
Rioting in England began not because of the absence of police but because of poor police practice. The outbreak of riots at a time of austerity suggests that resources should be focused on core police functions, not the maintenance of public health or public morals.
Originality/value
The paper provides a new look at the breakdown in public order.
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