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This chapter presents an exploration of the ways in which humanitarian non-government organisations (NGOs) and communities affected by the 2014 floods in Solomon Islands interpreted and responded to the disaster, identifying factors that assisted and constrained stakeholders in disaster response and recovery. The research investigates the extent to which communities were consulted and participated in NGO responses, and the factors which informed community–NGO relationships. A qualitative case study approach was used, employing interviews, focus groups and document analysis, guided by a reflexive discourse analysis and narrative inquiry approach, which places the focus of the study on the experiences of participants. Communities played very limited roles in NGO responses, especially non-dominant or marginalised sectors of society, such as youth, women and people with disabilities. Failure to respond appropriately to the differentiated needs of affected populations can exacerbate their risk of experiencing secondary disaster. The authors argue that there is a need to improve the inclusiveness of responses to disaster, engaging women, youth and people with disabilities in decision making in order to respond more appropriately to their needs.

In April 2007, Banco Compartamos of Mexico held a public offering of its stock in which insiders sold 30 percent of their holdings. The sale was over-subscribed by 13 times, and Compartamos was soon worth $1.6 billion (for details of the story, see Rosenberg, 2007; Malkin, 2008; Accion International, 2007). A month before the offering, the Economist (2007) had written: “Compartamos may not be the biggest bank in Mexico, but it could be the most important.” Compartamos’ claim to importance stems from its clients – not from their elite status, but from the opposite. The bank describes them as low-income women, taking loans to support tiny enterprises like neighborhood shops or tortilla-making businesses. The loans the women seek are small – typically hundreds of dollars rather than many thousands – and the bank requires no collateral. It is a version of “microfinance,” the idea associated with Muhammad Yunus and Grameen Bank of Bangladesh, winners of the 2006 Nobel Peace Prize. For Yunus, microfinance can unleash the productivity of cash-starved entrepreneurs and raise their incomes above poverty lines. It is a vision of poverty reduction that centers on self-help rather than direct income redistribution.

Corporate Social Responsibility, Consumer Behavior.

This case is suitable to be used in advanced undergraduate and MBA/MSc level.

This case highlights the challenges that Society for Community Outreach and Training (SCOT) faced to be self-sustained in running the operation. SCOT is one of the non-government organizations (NGOs) in Brunei that aims to eradicate poverty in sustainable and creative ways. The founder of SCOT is Anwar Mohammad, one of the recipients of National Youth Leader in Brunei. The other 18 members of SCOT Board of Directors and Executive Committee also consist of youths who are committed in their mission of alleviating poverty in Brunei. Like many other NGOs, SCOT’s activities depend on fund from public or private organizations. One of the obstacles facing NGOs in Brunei including SCOT is the difficulty in obtaining funds for their projects. To be self-sustained, Anwar came up with a project idea named Xchange Project to encourage people to collect recyclable materials and exchange them for basic commodities. He thought this would help build the habit of recycling among Bruneians as well as help those with low income to have an extra source of income.

Using this case the students will be able to:

• understand the role of NGOs (such as SCOT) in performing corporate social responsibility (CSR);

• understand the challenges that are encountered by the NGOs in obtaining fund;

• understand the role of Green Xchange program to be self-sustained; and

• understand the role of NGOs (such as SCOT) in alleviating poverty level in Brunei.

understand the role of NGOs (such as SCOT) in performing corporate social responsibility (CSR);

understand the challenges that are encountered by the NGOs in obtaining fund;

understand the role of Green Xchange program to be self-sustained; and

understand the role of NGOs (such as SCOT) in alleviating poverty level in Brunei.

This chapter discusses the challenges and support structures of MENA refugee women in their workforce transitions after resettlement in the United States. With a growing number of displaced individuals worldwide, the United States will undoubtedly continue to welcome immigrants and refugees in the coming years. While women comprise half of this population, MENA women participate in the US workforce at a far lower rate than do men from MENA. However, there is limited research examining workforce transitions for MENA refugee women once resettled. The partnerships of community stakeholders, including the education sector, non-government organizations, refugee agencies, and employers, are responsible for facilitating MENA refugee women toward self-sufficiency. Implications and suggestions for future research involving MENA refugee women are provided.

Tourism development is often seen as a tool to empower rural and peripheral communities. Problems can arise if there is an imbalance in the power relationship between local communities and external actors promoting development, including investors and Non Government Organisations (NGOs). This chapter examines the issues of leadership and power related to a hotel project operated by a private company in a small rural town in Timor-Leste. While there was initially substantial support for the project, the private company leading the project failed to adequately engage with community leaders creating feeling of loss of authority. Moreover, the members of the community who were not directly associated with the project felt that there was a gap between promises made to the community and the actual outcomes.

Is more child participation always better for child rights advocacy? That is the question I examine, in this chapter, as I analyse advocacy for child rights in India that led to the adoption of the landmark Protection of Children from Sexual Offences Act, 2012 (the ‘POCSO Act’). Through ethnographic fieldwork with non-government organisations (NGOs) and a narrative analysis of interviews and awareness material, I tell the story of how a combination of adult-led but child-participatory advocacy brought about a new, de-tabooised way of talking about child sexual abuse. By applying the theoretical lens of ‘critical child rights studies’, I suggest how we can conceptualise a critical perspective on child participation in child rights advocacy. First, adults’ multiple and, at times, conflicting roles in children’s lives – as advocates, protectors, and abusers – needs to be recognised. Second, children should participate in advocacy activities where they can have meaningful influence and be part of the conversation. This may not necessarily occur in adult spaces, where their participation remains token. Finally, I argue that child participation should never turn into a responsibilisation of children.

We draw on an in-depth investigation into the phenomenon of community radio in India to identify the emergence of an institutional logic in a field. We delineate five stages of emergence, starting with problematization of dominant logics and ending with formation of an institutionally complex field. Further, we highlight how such a process results in organizational forms that reflect ongoing struggles among dominant logics and the emerging logic. We contribute to neoinstitutional studies on the emergence of social objects and also draw the attention of emergence theorists to the contested manner in which emergence takes place in the social world.

This case discusses Bank Islam Brunei Darussalam’s (BIBD) social responsibility initiative. Social marketers are committed to people’s health and well-being; they are not profit-oriented and are seeking a larger market share than commercial marketers. One such example is “Community for Brunei” the Corporate Social Responsibility (CSR) initiative by BIBD. It is an online marketplace designed to help small businesses, highlighting different social and philanthropic causes that are important to Bruneians’ nurturing identity. BIBD assists the country’s small, medium, and micro entrepreneurs to actively and competitively expand their businesses through the Brunei community. It aims to help ease and transform the marketplace for struggling entrepreneurs during the pandemic. The Brunei Community Platform uses technology to bring communities together and provide an online ecosystem with integrated digital payment gateways as part of their efforts to encourage a digital society driven by a cashless economy. Other than a digital marketplace, the Community for Brunei has evolved into a social charitable platform conducting charity drives in collaboration with other non-government organizations as well as a donation platform enabling the community to donate and give back to the nation in difficult times such as the COVID-19 pandemic. As part of BIBD’s overall commitment to maintain the United Nations Sustainable Development Goals, events related to Community for Brunei also guards urban areas to ensure its safety, resilience and sustainability. BIBD’s CSR projects also promotes sustainability in consumption and clean production patterns, and takes urgent action by responding to climate change and its impact. The key takeaways of BIBD’s digital platform Community for Brunei is not only to accept but to fully embrace digitization of today’s businesses to not only continue thriving in this very restricted and scarcely resourced environment but to also open up opportunities to enter their goods and services into the global market. It has also become a community-driven and socially responsible platform providing a place for the society to give back to the community.

This chapter draws on the concept of orders of worth to generate understanding into how sustainable, good markets might be enabled at the bottom of the pyramid (BoP). Through an ethnographic study of the efforts of a non-government organisation (NGO) to create spaces where values and value at the BoP are unearthed, articulated, contested and translated into market-making practices. Insights are generated into how interventions to make-markets in sites of extreme poverty become ‘worth the effort’. In keeping with the market studies literature, the authors explore how multiple, contested and reframed needs generate insights into the efforts (and practices) that shape orders of worth in economic life. Orders of worth are the everyday practice of social values that constitute economic value and are framed through the moral values of social worlds as these values are put to work to calculate economic value. This work provides a contribution to the market studies literature through our understanding of the relationship between social and economic values in the creation of orders of worth, by showing how this happens at the BoP. Second, the authors contribute to the BoP literature by showing how places and spaces can be created and used to enable markets to unfold and happen. Finally, the findings contribute to our understanding of the types of practices and market-making devices that interventions might adopt and adapt in order to prod potential actors into action. The chapter identifies three types of enabling practices that make markets possible: connecting, integrating and reclassifying.