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To examine the nature of Chinese business negotiating style in Sino‐Western business negotiations in business‐to‐business markets involving large industrial projects from a social cultural point of view.

A conceptual approach developed from personal interviews.

This study reveals that the Chinese negotiator does not possess an absolute negotiating style but rather embraces a mixture of different roles together: “Maoist bureaucrat in learning”, “Confucian gentleman”, and “Sun Tzu‐like strategist”. The Chinese negotiating strategy is essentially a combination of cooperation and competition (termed as the “coop‐comp” negotiation strategy in this study). Trust is the ultimate indicator of Chinese negotiating propensities and role choices.

The focus of this study is on Chinese negotiating style shown in large B2B negotiations with Chinese SOEs.

Differing from most other studies on Chinese negotiating style which tend to depict the Chinese negotiator as either sincere or deceptive, this study points out that there exists an intrinsic paradox in Chinese negotiating style which reflects the Yin Yang thinking. The Chinese negotiator has a cultural capacity to negotiate both sincerely and deceptively and he/she changes coping strategies according to situation and context, all depending on the level of trust between negotiating partners.

This paper, aims to contribute to the wider project of understanding the production of knowledge about crime and justice and, “to cultivate and sustain a reflexive awareness about the conditions under which such knowledge is (or is not) produced” (Loader and Sparks, 2012, p. 6). In reviewing the core issues and concerns about crime and control from the 1980s as articulated in these research dissertations, the authors seek to be self-reflexive about academic criminology as a field of enquiry in Hong Kong.

In this research, 209 dissertations, completed between 1988 and 2015, are categorized on the basis of the main subject or theme of investigation carried out by each of the research paper.

This discussion is among the first and few attempts to look at the development of criminology in the Hong Kong China region and draws from the unique perspectives of practitioners – those working on the front lines – in their attempts to understand crime and its control with a criminological imagination.

The Communist revolution in China has led to the appearance in this country of increasing numbers of Chinese books in Russian translation. The Chinese names in Cyrillic transcription have presented many librarians and students with a new problem, that of identifying the Cyrillic form of a name with the customary Wade‐Giles transcription. The average cataloguer, the first to meet the problem, has two obvious lines of action, and neither is satisfactory. He can save up the names until he has a chance to consult an expert in Chinese. Apart altogether from the delay, the expert, confronted with a few isolated names, might simply reply that he could do nothing without the Chinese characters, and it is only rarely that Soviet books supply them. Alternatively, he can transliterate the Cyrillic letters according to the system in use in his library and leave the matter there for fear of making bad worse. As long as the writers are not well known, he may feel only faintly uneasy; but the appearance of Chzhou Ėn‐lai (or Čžou En‐laj) upsets his equanimity. Obviously this must be entered under Chou; and we must have Mao Tse‐tung and not Mao Tsze‐dun, Ch'en Po‐ta and not Chėn' Bo‐da. But what happens when we have another . . . We can hardly write Ch'en unless we know how to represent the remaining elements in the name; yet we are loth to write Ch'en in one name and Chėn' in another.

Public housing in Hong Kong plays an essential role in accommodation supply to people of low income. Access to social resources and rent levels of nearby private residential housing are two critical issues impacting the well-being of residents living in public housing estates. However, previous research has rarely focused on the spatial distribution of public housing estates through exploring these two critical issues. On the other hand, Hong Kong is currently experiencing an urban renewal process. It would be beneficial to consider these critical issues for spatial allocation of public housing in urban renewal decision making. The purpose of this paper is to investigate these two critical issues in relation to the spatial distribution of public housing estates in Kowloon, Hong Kong.

Seven spatial variables were selected to reflect these critical issues. Spatial analysis in Geographic Information System was conducted to process the data required. Multiple logistic regression was employed to analyse the relationships between the spatial location of public housing estates and the seven selected variables.

Based on the analysis results, several problems as well as geographical advantages of the current location of public housing estates were discovered, which can be valuable references for decision making by government authorities for public housing development in the future.

This research is a pilot study on the spatial distribution of public housing estates and the critical influencing factors in Hong Kong, undertaken by applying both spatial analysis and statistical methods. It can help relevant decision makers deal with current problems of public housing location and make informed decisions on where to locate new housing projects in an urban renewal process, which can increase the equal distribution of social resources and improve the well-being of people living in public housing.

The purpose of this paper is to analyze the strategies employed by the pro-Beijing and pro-democracy camps in the proportional representation system which was used to universally elect a half of the seats in the Legislative Council (LegCo) of Hong Kong before 2019. It provides the consequences of proportional representation over the political sphere development after the handover.

This research is based on the past election results and the interviews conducted with 18 LegCo members in 2018.

This paper examines how the political parties split their lists in order to win more seats with the past electoral outcomes. Coupled with firsthand materials from interviews with the legislators, the most significant part of this article analyzes why the pro-Beijing camp performed better than the pro-democracy camp. It supplements the gap of current literature from the perspective of campaign strategies. This article also points out the Chinese authorities' miscalculation in the 1990s which resulted in the unintentional creation of fragmented politics and filibusters before 2019.

This examines the development of campaign strategies of the pro-Beijing and pro-democracy camps, and it explains how the proportional representation caused the fragmented politics in Hong Kong.

Purpose and methodology – Focusing on the policy contexts of gender education in Taiwan, this chapter uses data from interviews with elite policymakers and policy documents to examine how feminist activists sought to legitimatize gender equity in education in the wake of the comprehensive social and educational reforms of the 1990s and early years of this decade.

Findings – The embedding of gender in education did not follow a smooth path in terms of policy formulation. Feminist activists drove the process of reform by retaining control over the naming of the legislation, and its wording, thus preserving the language and imperatives of gender equity.

Social implications – In this chapter, I examine the formation of the Gender Equity Education Law, detailing the struggles, contentions, and negotiations that underlay the eventual approval of gender reform in education.

Originality/value of chapter – The chapter contributes significantly by identifying the necessity to recognize the nature of the state and its relations with society in order to research gender in education in Taiwan.

Examines the tenth published year of the ITCRR. Runs the whole gamut of textile innovation, research and testing, some of which investigates hitherto untouched aspects. Subjects discussed include cotton fabric processing, asbestos substitutes, textile adjuncts to cardiovascular surgery, wet textile processes, hand evaluation, nanotechnology, thermoplastic composites, robotic ironing, protective clothing (agricultural and industrial), ecological aspects of fibre properties – to name but a few! There would appear to be no limit to the future potential for textile applications.

Talks about the cultural aspects of negotiating in China and compares this with Western approaches. Focuses on cultural factors (and the dominant role of Confucianism), followed by steps in the negotiating process. Explains Confucian ethics and how that translates into everyday behaviour of how to treat and address other people. Points out that the Chinese will only do business with people they know and trust, so the importance of first building good personal relationships cannot be overstated. Suggests ways to make a good first impression, including attending banquets and other social occasions, although that opens up a further behavioural minefield. Recommends viewing doing business with the Chinese as a marriage contract based on old‐fashioned courting, rather than in the West, where entering a business relationship could be deemed the equivalent of a marriage of convenience.

In Hong Kong resource sharing for cooperative cataloguing for Chinese language materials started in the 1990s with an infrastructure of a Z29.50‐based distributed system under the auspices of JULAC of the University Grants Committee. The advantages and limitations of the distributed approach for resource sharing are considered. Problems such as variant MARC formats, romanisation, and codes for information exchange are examined. Unresolved practice issues specific to Chinese language materials are discussed. Resource descriptions for resource sharing, especially cataloguing, are introduced.

The impact of ideological polarization has been a serious concern, given its damages to society. In addition, Schadenfreude is increasingly common in the era of ideological polarization. Previous literature may have discussed the cause and outcomes of schadenfreude in general but not specifically related to ideological polarization. This study aims to serve to establish a more informed understanding of online schadenfreude as an outcome of ideological polarization and help society recover from the damages.

The authors adopted a case research method with netnography for our study, given that the authors are exploring the phenomena of online schadenfreude, which involves multiple dimensions.

The authors identified a three-level model that illustrates how schadenfreude is driven as an outcome of ideological polarization, i.e. macro-environment, camp/partisan and target. These factors of different levels involve political viewpoint differences, perceived appearance, personal conduct, aggressive norms and polarized environment with a lack of conventional opinion expression channel. Moreover, attackers may demonstrate a belief in Karma, creativity and a sense of humor and may call for actions.

While previous literature focused on the relationship between fake news, echo chambers and ideological polarization, this study is a relatively earlier one on studying schadenfreude as an outcome of ideological polarization, which would facilitate to formulate the solution to repair the damages created to ideological polarization. The authors also discussed the enablers as well as the self-reinforcing nature of ideological polarization, and provided some practical implications for politicians and government officials.