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Feelings about conflict in labor relations are determined by both the objective conditions surrounding the dimension of labor relations and their subjective evaluation. This study aims to examine features of the subjective evaluation factors in labor relations for new generation employees born in the post-1980s, transitional China, and to explore the conflict reduction strategies in labor relations.

This study designed items and a scale to measure employees’ subjective evaluation bias regarding labor relations, and conducted a survey of 1,500 employees in 80 Chinese enterprises. It conducted a principal components analysis of the subjective evaluation biases, and a covariance analysis to explore differences in the common factors between employees of two generations. Comparing the subjective bias with the objective status of labor relations, as well as with employers’ expectations, this study analyzed the feelings toward conflict and conflict management strategies.

There are eight common factors in the subjective evaluation bias toward labor relations, four of which show significant differences between employees of two generations. Employers should study these differences, and apply conflict reduction measures to manage labor relations.

This is one of the first studies to propose the concept of a subjective evaluation bias regarding labor relations, and examine the common factors and features among new generation employees. It establishes a model for feelings toward conflict through four combinations of the subjective preferences and objective status dimensions. This study offers new insights for reducing workplace conflict.

This paper aims to examine whether labour unions influence labour conflicts and this mechanism is different in China compared with other countries.

This paper uses the data from the China Employer–Employee Survey that interviewed 1,208 firms and 10,087 workers in 2016 as the measurement of variables, and it uses Logit regression model to do the empirical research.

Unions cannot significantly influence labour conflicts. More active unions and unions whose leaders are appointed by the firms’ management are associated with a higher incidence of labour conflicts.

This paper finds a new mechanism that explains the relationship between unions and labour conflicts. The existing literature states that unions may increase labour conflicts via “monopoly power” and may also mitigate labour conflicts via “voice mechanisms”. This paper’s findings show that the positive correlation between unions and labour conflicts may be explained by the lack of “voice mechanism” rather than “monopoly power”. The findings imply that labour unions should represent the interest of workers to mitigate the increasing labour conflicts.

This study explores labor relations management behaviors of administrators and Party organizations in resource-based state-owned enterprises (SOEs) in China based on social exchange theory and embeddedness theory. It builds up a process model for managing collective labor conflicts in resource-based SOEs in the Chinese context.

A comparative case study is conducted using two resource-based SOEs with similar backgrounds but differing in effectiveness of the management of collective labor conflicts. Data are collected from interviews, archival sources and a one-month participatory investigation.

The administrators and Party organizations of resource-based SOEs manage collective labor conflicts by means of human resource practices (HRPs) and Party organizations' boundary-spanning behaviors (PBSBs), respectively; foremen and unions perform a mediation role, especially under circumstances where administrators employ high-performance HRPs and PBSBs are closely integrated with the production process. The marketization of the “new danwei system” exerts a “provocation effect” but does not necessarily lead to collective labor conflicts. The root cause of conflicts lies in the inherent defects of specific HRPs and PBSBs, as well as the absence of the Simmelian tie in the social exchange interaction of actors.

First, this study develops a new construct of PBSBs for enterprises' Party organizations and explores its underlying mechanisms, which enriches the range of actors studied in the context of Chinese labor relations; Second, the authors develop a new dimension called “exemplification” building on the existing three-dimensional structure of boundary-spanning behaviors, which expands boundary-spanning theory. Third, the findings that Simmelian tie structure could better maintain the stability of labor relationship in the mediation process of labor-capital conflict management enrich the social exchange theory from the perspective of structure. Finally, this study deepens the existing research on HRPs by proposing a new explanation for disputes.

Purpose: This chapter aims to study the modelling of conflict in the labour market in the conditions of automatization based on robots, Big Data and artificial intelligence (AI) from the position of countries’ inequality and conflict management.

Design/Methodology/Approach: It is determined that scientific literature has not formed the sufficient scientific and practical basis for determining the level of technological inequality of countries in the labour market in the conditions of automatization based on robots, Big Data and AI. The research objects are countries with the highest level of technological inequality from the position of automatization based on robots, Big Data and AI.

Findings: This chapter performs an overview of the factors of technological inequality of countries, which leads to the global conflict on the labour market in the conditions of automatization based on robots, Big Data and AI. It is supposed that using the technology and methods of the system of engineering knowledge within conflict management it is possible to find a non-standard solution, which ensures better optimization. A complex technical method proves its rationality and opens the perspectives for further development of the methodology and integration of the systems of knowledge on conflict management; still, from the position of conflict in the labour market in the conditions of automatization, there are not enough means of conflict management that could neutralize or partially solve such global conflict.

Originality/Value: It is proved that full automatization is a price paid by humans for prospering, while it is expected that new technologies will increase productivity and income. This will lead to the dismissal of certain employees and bankruptcy of the existing companies and productions, which is not that important for many large employers. For most employees, this is a conflict against the background of automatization, which leads to worse consequences for them.

This paper develops and tests a new integrative theoretical framework for the study of workplace conflict that links the literatures of such disciplines as organization behavior, industrial relations, management, psychology, sociology, and social movement. It provides testable hypotheses where conflict is structurally blocked by laws, organizational rules, or social norms. It is hypothesized that a blockage of one expression will cause conflict to take on more covert forms of that same expression and to shift to other permitted forms.

In a test of the theory in municipal collective bargaining, the paper found that conflict that was structurally blocked in the form of strikes was redirected to both covert collective actions (sick-outs, slowdowns, etc.), other permitted collective actions (e.g., unfair labor practices) and such individual expressions as grievances.

There would appear to be a promising agenda for future research into the other cases described in the framework. For example, from the nonunion employer where collective actions are prohibited but individual grievances allowed it is hypothesized that such covert conflict as absenteeism, theft, or sabotage will be reduced. On the other hand, these same nonunion firms are predicted to have higher levels of individual conflict than unionized firms where both strikes and grievances are permitted.

Future research that evaluates workplace conflict resolution ought to take into account the complex relationships between conflict expressions suggested in the new framework. The temptation of researchers to study one expression at a time should be resisted.

Approaches to industrial conflict resolution in Canada and Britain are examined. The Canadian policy to regulate industrial conflict through a discrete interventionist formula, as opposed to British government′s “hands‐off” approach in dealing with industrial disputes, would suggest a much greater volume in strike activity and incidence of strikes in Britain than in Canada. But this is not the case; the reverse is true. A “politics of production” approach, concentrating on three key loci of workplace struggle between management and labour in the two countries, is presented, concentrating on areas of discipline, regulation of the internal labour market and job control. It is argued that rather than reducing industrial conflict, the Canadian policy may actually be a major cause.

Robert Franklin Hoxie was of the first generation of University of Chicago economists, a figure of significance in his own time. He is often heralded as the first of the Institutional economists and the impetus behind the field of labor economics. Yet today, his contributions appear as mere footnotes in the history of economic thought, when mentioned at all, despite the fact that in his professional and popular writings he tackled some of the most pressing problems of the day. The topics upon which he focused included bimetallism, price theory, methodology, the economics profession, socialism, syndicalism, scientific management, and trade unionism, the last being the field with which he is most closely associated. His work attracted the notice of some of the most famous economists of his time, including Frank Fetter, J. Laurence Laughlin, Thorstein Veblen, and John R. Commons. For all the promise, his suicide at the age of 48 ended what could have been a storied career. This paper is an attempt to resurrect Hoxie through a review of his life and work, placing him within the social and intellectual milieux of his time.

Only around 0.01 per cent of all working‐days are lost due to industrial conflict in the average western economy. Nevertheless, conflicts are highly visible phenomena and it was one of the first areas most statistical agencies started covering. Therefore, long conflict series exist for most developed Western economies. These series are of a poor quality compared to most series analysed by economists, but they have, nevertheless, a lot to tell. In a number of papers we have tried to cover different parts of the story — in the present article we shall concentrate on the large shifts (often 5–10 times) in the conflict levels over time and the remarkable differences (often 10–20 times) in conflict levels between countries, even when we look only at developed Western economies.

Because of the interest of enterprises and unions are often conflicting. For unions, how to promote union instrumentality is a critical issue. This study aims to apply the resource dependence theory to examine the role of cooperative approach to conflict in the relationship between union–enterprise guanxi and union instrumentality under the moderation of union leader humility.

A questionnaire survey was undertaken to collect data from enterprise human resource (HR) manager and union stewards in Taiwanese firms using a dyadic approach. Hierarchical regression analysis and bootstrapping with a mediation model and moderated-mediation model were used to test the hypotheses.

The results show that cooperative approach to conflict is a prominent mediator between union–enterprise guanxi and union instrumentality, while union leader humility strengthens the positive association between cooperative approach to conflict and union instrumentality. Moderated-mediation analysis further demonstrates that the influence of the cooperative approach to conflict is stronger when there is a higher level of union leader humility.

The study offers an integrated picture about how union–enterprise social relationships promote union instrumentality.