Search results

The aim of this paper is to explore digital user behaviour of academicians in Kashmir (Indian Administered) in the times of conflict (2008-2010) and peace (2011-2012). It is an attempt to investigate the influence of political conditions on the usage of electronic resources.

Transaction logs in the form of COUNTER reports from Project MUSE database that represent usage at University of Kashmir, were mined for five years – January 2008 to December 2012. The data was divided in to two time periods; conflict period – 2008 to 2010 and peace period – 2011 to 2012.

There is a strong relationship between peace, conflict and e-resource usage. The results confirm peace and conflict as explanatory factors on the use of electronic resources in conflict zones, like Kashmir.

Understanding how users behave in the online academic environments, the academic administrators can help to satisfy the perceptions and needs of users associated with the electronic resource settings.

The study shows that more attention should be given to prevail peace in conflict zones in order to maximise the use of e-resources.

The study is the first of its kind as it is trying to relate the user behaviour with political setups in a conflict zone, Kashmir.

The study aims to showcase public sentiments via social media, Twitter, during 2014 floods of Jammu and Kashmir, India.

The study is based on content analysis of tweets related to Kashmir floods. Search was performed with “#kashmirfloods” and was confined to tweets posted from 4 September 2014 through 3 November 2014. A naturalistic approach was applied to examine the content and classify tweets into 5 major and 25 sub categories. Data as such collected were tabulated in SPSS 21 for analysis.

During the study period, individuals, news channels, and organisations posted a total of 36,697 tweets related to Kashmir floods. It all started with an outburst of tweets which goes on declining (exponentially) with every passing day. People express themselves in a number of ways with informational tweets used more during the time of disaster. Individuals expressing their sentiments outscore other types of sentiments with text-based tweets ranking high. About 44 per cent of tweets were retweeted, and nearly 31 per cent tweets were marked favourite. Comparatively, more number of informational and help tweets were retweeted or marked favourite. Contextual richness of tweet (i.e. number of embedded expressions) enhances its visibility by means of getting liked and/or retweeted. A statistically significant positive association is observed between the number of expressions in a tweet and the number of times it is liked (favourite) or retweeted.

Twitter plays a pivotal role during natural calamities like Kashmir floods to connect people in the hour of need and help. It provides a platform where the plight of people is heard across the globe and which encourages people to unite and overcome hurdles together.

This study examines the sentiments of people expressed during Jammu and Kashmir (India) Floods 2014 on social media – Twitter.

This paper aims to focus on the conflict in the Indian states of Kashmir and Manipur. It situates both conflicts within a historical frame to underscore their origins in history. Using a comparative, inter-disciplinary lens, the paper foregrounds the political, empirical and gendered similarities in both conflict zones. The human cost of modern India’s project of integrating historically autonomous, ethnically distinct and geographically disparate regions of Kashmir and Manipur is illustrated. By way of conclusion, the paper suggests institutional respect for, and accommodation of, ethnic minority history, identity and aspiration, as an ethical, democratic way forward towards conflict resolution.

The paper uses a relatively lesser used comparative, critical inter-disciplinary approach towards examining ethnic conflict. Contrary to ahistorical normative approaches focused on individual ethnic conflict, or the conventional assumption that the ethnic conflicts in India are necessarily mutually exclusive, this paper uses a comparative frame to underscore the shared historical origins and common empirical realities of the conflicts in Kashmir and Manipur. This particular approach reframes conventional epistemic debates on conflict in ways that offer a deeper, more nuanced understanding of the same.

This paper underscores the critical importance of a historically informed approach to conflict and conflict resolution in India’s ethnic borderlands. Challenging statist approaches based on coercion and repression, the paper underscores the need for respect and accommodation of ethnic minority history, identity and aspiration as essential conditions towards a just and enduring peace in both regions.

With exceptions, a comparative approach to conflict studies in India is relatively rare. To this extent, this paper diverges from mainstream approaches. Further, in contrast to studies focused on individual conflicts examined within a single disciplinary analytic frame, this paper uses an inter-disciplinary, intersectional approach to conflict studies. By capturing the converging historical political, social, human and gendered fields of conflict in Kashmir and Manipur, this paper offers a richer, more sophisticated understanding of the character of conflict in India.

The independence of India from the British Empire was marked by its partition into two countries, viz India and Pakistan. As a corollary to independence and partition of India, 500‐odd princely states which had direct relationship with the British Empire were required to integrate with either India or Pakistan — the successor states. The process of integration of princely states was not without its highs and lows. Some of the princely states, like Hyderabad, Junagarh and Jammu and Kashmir, posed quite a few problems at the time of integration for several reasons, namely the inclination of its rulers, the religious component of the local population and the competing interests of the two successor states, India and Pakistan. Hyderabad and Junagarh were favourably resolved in India's favour. Integration of Jammu and Kashmir with India was not a smooth affair. It was only after Pakistan‐aided forces including the Pakistan army had invaded Jammu and Kashmir that the then ruler of Jammu and Kashmir signed the instrument of accession in India's favour. With the instrument of accession, India had a locus standi to protect its territory in Jammu and Kashmir by military means. The salvage operation of throwing the Pakistan‐aided forces and Pakistan military out of Jammu and Kashmir could not be accomplished fully, because India agreed that the United Nations, to which the Kashmir dispute was to be referred, would help in the resolution of the Kashmir issue within the accepted legal framework which was in India's favour. However, India's experience with the United Nations was a great disappointment. In fact India had put so much faith in the United Nations that it even agreed to a plebiscite in Kashmir for resolving the dispute, subject to the condition that Pakistan vacated the illegally occupied areas of Jammu and Kashmir. India need not have agreed to a plebiscite in Jammu and Kashmir, but it did so because of its abiding faith in democratic principles, notwithstanding the legal framework on the basis of which the integration of other princely states with the successor states was carried out. To date, Pakistan has not vacated what is today called ‘Pakistan‐occupied Kashmir’. On top of that, in 1962 China gobbled up a large part of Kashmir in the north‐east, on the basis of a boundary dispute which it raised with India and which has yet to be resolved. To make matters still worse and more complicated, Pakistan ceded a part of Pakistan‐occupied territory to China. Thus the situation, as of today, is that 45.7 per cent of the 222,336 sq. km area of Jammu and Kashmir is with India, 35.1 per cent is with Pakistan and 19.2 per cent is with China. Apart from a war with China, two more full‐scale wars have been fought with Pakistan over Kashmir; the 1965 war, which was confined to the western theatre, and the 1971 war. The 1965 war was a short one and through the Soviet Union's mediation, an agreement was arrived at which was to no one's advantage and more or less restored the status quo ante. Following the 1971 war with Pakistan, India was in an advantageous position, because East Pakistan had ceded from West Pakistan and emerged as an independent country, the two‐nation theory to which Pakistan subscribed as the basis for partition of India into two successor states of India and Pakistan had been exploded; India had 90,000 Pakistan prisoners of war and it had also made large gains on the western front by occupying certain strategic positions. It was from this position of strength in 1971 that India decided that the Kashmir dispute had to be resolved bilaterally by India and Pakistan without any foreign intervention; a doctrine to which Pakistan subscribed at that point of time. In fact, India approached the bilateral talks between the two countries in a spirit of magnanimity. As a first step, India decided to return to Pakistan 90,000 prisoners of war. It agreed to a fresh demarcation of the Line of Control (including withdrawal from several strategic positions) on the unwritten understanding that this Line of Control, over a period of time, based on good neighbourly relations with Pakistan — supplemented by economic ties — would ultimately result in its becoming a de jure border from a de facto border with Pakistan; though the officially stated position continues to be that the whole of Jammu and Kashmir is an integral part of India. The 1971 agreement with Pakistan, which is also called the ‘Shimla Agreement’, thus constitutes the principal plank for the settlement of the Kashmir issue with Pakistan on a bilateral basis.

This study aims to investigate the landscape of family-based organic farm businesses in the Kashmir Valley, India, analyzing the factors that either facilitate or hinder their adoption. The research also intends to uncover sources of information seeking. The primary purpose is to provide qualitative evidence to address existing knowledge gaps and offer insights for promoting sustainable farm practices in the region.

The research employs a qualitative approach, drawing on focus group interviews. The study thoroughly explores the background and relevant literature, utilizing a comprehensive research framework. Data is collected from family based farmers engaged in organic farming practices in the Kashmir Valley. The data is analyzed using content analysis ensuring a robust and thorough exploration of the subject matter.

This study reveals a notable transition in the agricultural landscape of the Kashmir Valley, showcasing a widespread adoption of organic farming on considerable land. The study reveals that key facilitators for organic farming among family-based farms are farm productivity, entrepreneurial intention, governance, environmental consciousness, and health concerns. The exchange of information, both through formal and informal channels, is found to be a crucial factor influencing the adoption of organic farming. The study also unveiled significant inhibitors that hinder the adoption of organic farming on commercial scales, including on-farm challenges such as difficulties in acquiring inputs and facing reduced yields, market-related concerns, and a lack of support and assistance from government agencies.

This research contributes significantly to the existing literature by advancing the understanding of organic farm business and agri-entrepreneurship. It unveils key factors that either support or hinder family-based organic farms, identifying crucial information sources and presenting valuable insights for policymakers. Furthermore, this study provides practical guidance for overcoming obstacles, enhancing infrastructure, and translating identified facilitators into successful agri-ventures in the Kashmir region.

The purpose of the present study is to identify the active and dead links of uniform resource locators (URLs) associated with web references and to compare the effectiveness of Chrome, Google and WayBack Machine in retrieving the dead URLs.

The web references of the Library Hi Tech from 2004 to 2008 were selected for analysis to fulfill the set objectives. The URLs were extracted from the articles to verify their accessibility in terms of persistence and decay. The URLs were then executed directly in the internet browser (Chrome), search engine (Google) and Internet Archive (WayBack Machine). The collected data were recorded in an excel file and presented in tables/diagrams for further analysis.

From the total of 1,083 web references, a maximum number was retrieved by the WayBack Machine (786; 72.6 per cent) followed by Google (501; 46.3 per cent) and the lowest by Chrome (402; 37.1 per cent). The study concludes that the WayBack Machine is more efficient, retrieves a maximum number of missing web citations and fulfills the mission of preservation of web sources to a larger extent.

A good number of studies have been conducted to analyze the persistence and decay of web-references; however, the present study is unique as it compared the dead URL retrieval effectiveness of internet explorer (Chrome), search engine giant (Google) and WayBack Machine of the Internet Archive.

The web references of a single journal, namely, Library Hi Tech, were analyzed for 5 years only. A major study across disciplines and sources may yield better results.

URL decay is becoming a major problem in the preservation and citation of web resources. The study has some healthy recommendations for authors, editors, publishers, librarians and web designers to improve the persistence of web references.

This study aims to extend the theory of planned behaviour (TPB) to develop finer understanding about tourist’s attitude and intention towards visiting a politically unstable and conflict-ridden destination such as Kashmir.

A research instrument adapted from previous studies is administered on 490 tourists. The data collected is subjected to exploratory factor analysis followed by structural equation modelling using SPSS and AMOS. The study tests and validates a more robust behavioural prediction model grounded on the TPB.

The results of the study found that the tourists’ destination choice intention in a politically sensitive area such as Jammu and Kashmir is collectively determined by perceived destination attractiveness, perceived destination image, familiarity with place, media exposure and perceived value. However, quite interestingly, perceived risk and attitude were found to be insignificant determinants of choice intentionality.

The study empirically validates extended TPB to predict tourist behaviour in a politically sensitive setting. Furthermore, the study provides vital inputs to the destination managers, policy makers and practitioners to develop strategies to enhance destination image and attractiveness. Although the study provides critical insights into the tourist’s decision-making process, nonetheless, certain limitations, such as restricted geographical approach, convenience sampling and ignoring the inter-group variations, warrant attention.

The study is essentially a pioneering effort in applying an integrated TPB model in determining destination choice intentionality in a politically sensitive region of Jammu and Kashmir. The region has the potential to be one of the best destinations in the world. Therefore, studying the tourist perceptions and attitudes and intention towards Kashmir could help the local government and other destination management organizations in charting future courses of action.

本研究旨在扩展计划行为理论（TPB）, 以便更深入地了解游客对以克什米尔为例的政治动荡、冲突不断型旅游目的地的态度和意向。

基于以往研究, 本文修订开发了适用于本研究的研究工具, 并据此采集了490个游客样本。运用SPSS软件和AMOS软件, 本研究对样本数据进行了结构方程建模, 并以此进行探索性因子分析。本研究检验并验证了基于计划行为理论（TPB）的更有力的行为预测模型。

研究发现对于查谟和克什米尔这类政治敏感的目的地, 游客的目的地选择意向由目的地感知吸引力、目的地感知形象、感知价值、媒体曝光度和游客对地方的熟悉程度共同决定。研究还有一项有趣的发现：感知风险和态度对游客的目的地选择意向的影响并不显著。

研究实证检验了扩展计划行为理论对政治敏感环境下游客行为的预测作用, 为目的地管理人员、政策制定人员和从业人员等提升目的地形象和吸引力提供了重要参考。然而, 尽管本研究揭示了游客的决策行为过程, 但研究结论仍受限于以下几点：单一的地理研究方法、方便抽样法、忽视了群体间的差异。

本文开创性地利用扩展的计划行为理论模型研究游客对政治敏感地区——查谟和克什米尔的选择意向。克什米尔地区有潜力成为全球最佳的旅游目的地之一, 因此研究游客对该地区的感知、态度和意向对于当地政府和其他管理组织制定未来的行动方案具有重要意义。

Este estudio se centra en extender la teoría del comportamiento planificado para una mejor comprensión de la actitud y la intención de los turistas de visitar un destino políticamente inestable y conflictivo como Kashmir.

Se administró un cuestionario adaptado de estudios previos a 490 turistas. Los datos recogidos se analizaron mediante análisis factorial exploratorio seguido de un modelo de ecuaciones estructurales mediante SPSS y AMOS. El estudio prueba y valida un modelo de predicción de comportamiento más robusto basado en la Teoría del Comportamiento Planificado (TPB).

Los resultados del estudio muestran que la intención de elección del destino en un área políticamente sensible como Jammu y Kashmir está determinada conjuntamente por el atractivo percibido del destino, la imagen percibida del destino, la familiaridad con el lugar, la exposición a los medios y el valor percibido. Sin embargo, el riesgo percibido y la actitud resultaron ser determinantes no significativos de la intencionalidad de elección.

El estudio valida empíricamente la TPB ampliada para predecir el comportamiento de los turistas en un entorno políticamente sensible. Además, el estudio proporciona información relevante a los gestores de destinos, los responsables políticos y los profesionales para desarrollar estrategias que mejoren la imagen y el atractivo de los destinos. Aunque el estudio proporciona una visión crítica del proceso de toma de decisiones del turista, ciertas limitaciones, como el enfoque geográfico restringido, el muestreo de conveniencia y el hecho de ignorar las variaciones intergrupales, merecen atención.

La investigación presenta un esfuerzo pionero en la aplicación de un modelo TPB integrado que determina la intencionalidad de la elección del destino en una región políticamente sensible de Jammu y Kashmir. La región tiene potencial para ser uno de los mejores destinos del mundo. Por consiguiente, el estudio de las percepciones, actitudes e intención de los turistas hacia Kashmir podría ayudar al gobierno local y a otras organizaciones de gestión de destinos a trazar acciones futuras.