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Indigenous health workforce development has been identified as a key strategy to improve Indigenous health and reduce ethnic inequities in health outcomes. Likewise, development of a culturally safe and culturally competent non-Indigenous health workforce must also occur if the elimination of health inequities is to be fully realised. Tertiary education providers responsible for training health professionals must face the challenge of engaging the Indigenous learner within health sciences, exposing the ‘hidden curriculum’ that undermines professional Indigenous health learning and ensuring tertiary success for Indigenous students within their academy. This chapter summarises recent developments, research and interventions within the Faculty of Medical and Health Sciences at the University of Auckland that aims to address these challenges by re-presenting Indigenous student recruitment, selection and support, re-presenting bridging/foundation education and representing Māori health teaching and learning within the curriculum.

Traditional fire practices are explored so as to understand transformative relationships to Country and as an analogy for developments in Indigenous Health. Stories of fire encompass the resistance of Indigenous Australians to colonial dispossession. Stories of fire engage Indigenous communities with law and culture and from this with health. Transformative knowledges can be built upon re-kindling Indigenous land and law practices through fire practices. Building relationships with fire and burning practices corresponds with the developing sustainable health and cultural practices across Indigenous communities.

Rural Australian patients continue to receive inadequate medical attention. One potential solution to this is to train Indigenous Australians to become medical doctors and return to their community to serve their people. The study aims to examine whether Indigenous medical students have a stronger intention to practice in underserved communities.

A sample of Indigenous (N = 17) and non-Indigenous students (N = 188) from a medical program in Sydney was surveyed about their medical self-concept and motivation. Confirmatory factor analysis (CFA) was conducted, group differences were tested, and correlation patterns were examined.

CFA found seven distinct factors – three medical self-concepts (affective, cognitive, and cultural competence), one motivation factor, and three work-related variables – intention to serve underserved communities (intention), understanding of Indigenous health (understanding), and work-related anxiety (anxiety). Indigenous medical students were higher in cultural competence, intention, and understanding. Both the affective and cognitive components of medical self-concept were more highly correlated with intention and understanding for Indigenous students than for non-Indigenous students.

It is important to examine medical students’ self-concepts as well as their cultural characteristics and strengths that seed success in promoting service to underserved Indigenous communities.

The findings show that Indigenous medical students tended to understand Indigenous health issues better and to be more willing to serve underserved Indigenous communities. By enhancing both the affective and cognitive components of medical self-concepts, the “home-grown” medical education program is more likely to produce medical doctors to serve underserved communities with a good understanding of Indigenous health.

Over recent decades, research institutions have prescribed discrete ethics guidelines for human research with Indigenous people in Australia. Such guidelines respond to concerns about unethical and harmful processes in research, including that they entrench colonial relations and structures. This chapter sets out some of the limitations of these well-intentioned guidelines for the decolonisation of research. Namely, their underlying assumption of Indigenous vulnerability and deficit and, consequently, their function to minimise risk. It argues for a strengths-based approach to researching with and by Indigenous communities that recognises community members’ capacity to know what ethical research looks like and their ability to control research. It suggests that this approach provides genuine outcomes for their communities in ways that meet their communities’ needs. This means that communities must be partners in research who can demand reciprocation for their participation and sharing of their knowledge, time and experiences. This argument is not purely normative but supported by examples of Indigenous research models within our fields of health and criminology that are premised on self-determination.

Across countless generations, Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people have had a vision for the health and well-being of all elements of Australia and its people. This includes directions for preventing inequity, crime, environmental degradation and illness. But the paths to take – and the knowledges that exist – have long been flooded by a negative discourse about Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people that blames, shames and discriminates, locating over-representation in prisons and poor health and well-being as a cultural deficit, apportioned to individuals rather than the complex systems and politics of knowledge construction that surround it. Rural criminology has an opportunity to change tracks to redress the lack of cultural competence training and cultural safety planning among its workforce – the 97 percent who have the power to create change for the small and young population of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people. This chapter identifies steps in the path to change and opportunities for rural criminology including identifying shared determinants of justice and health, decolonising evidence for decision-making and improving accountability including through partnerships with Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander community leaders. This chapter asserts a freedom and confidence that emanates from decolonising methodologies, reflexivity in research and meeting aspirations of local community Elders and leaders with Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander cultural values and strengths. ‘Next steps’ in constructing a more culturally responsive rural criminology are presented, with a summary of roles and spheres of influence to consider.

The oversight of ethical conduct of research is often placed on the university institution in partnership research. How institutions ensure the ethical conduct of research varies and for research being done with Indigenous communities, communities themselves are now conducting their own research ethics reviews. However, this chapter aims to place some onus of responsibility on the researcher themselves, to develop their own moral compass when working with Indigenous communities. (Borrowing from Toombs (2012). Ethical research for indigenous people by indigenous researchers. Aboriginal & Islander Health Worker Journal, 36(1), 24–26.) notion of the moral compass, the authors will discuss their own experiences as Indigenous researchers and how a moral compass is critical even in light of the best research ethics policies.

The authors focus on the Canadian and Australian context and provide examples from their own experiences as Indigenous people, researchers, and research ethics administrators. The focus of this chapter is to highlight some of the unethical research that has been conducted on Indigenous peoples and the policy and community response to that research. The authors explore how to build better relationships through research with Indigenous peoples.

This chapter does not aim to provide a thorough review of literature on research ethics with Indigenous peoples; however, some of this literature is cited. The focus of this chapter is to share the experiences related to policy from the perspective of two Indigenous researchers.

Research has shown that Indigenous people suffer significant health inequalities in comparison to dominant colonising cultures. Evidence shows that these inequalities can be addressed by gaining a deeper understanding of the social and cultural determinants of health, applying Indigenous views of health and developing better definitions of the term wellbeing. The following chapter draws on research exploring the relationship between Indigenous culture, the landscape and the connection with health and wellbeing. In Aotearoa/New Zealand, consideration of Indigenous Māori is a national imperative, enshrined in the Te Tiriti o Waitangi (Treaty of Waitangi) which establishes it as a bicultural country. Exploring three Māori health models, the chapter examines the factors that play a significant role in shaping Māori people's health. It relates how landscape is a foundational therapeutic aspect of Māori wellbeing using the models to express the forces that impact both positively and negatively on this relationship. The chapter concludes that all three concepts, culture, health and landscape, are interconnected and must be balanced to reduce Māori health inequalities and to provide a more sustainable model for health and wellbeing for all New Zealanders.

The situating of pimatisiwin as a framework for spatial justice and self-determination aids educators in strengthening their understandings of Indigenous knowledges to support an authentic inclusion of Indigenous students with disabilities. Through the sharing of Canada’s colonial history, and by critically examining the principles of care within special education, the author exposes its relationship with ableism, normalcy, eugenics, and white privilege to show how Indigenous peoples continue to be marginalized in the twenty-first century. This justice work asks educators to shift their perspectives of inclusion and wellness through the insertion of an Indigenous lens, one to help them see and hear the faces and voices of disabled Aboriginal children and their kinships. The chapter discusses the social model of disability, the psychology of Gentle Teaching, Indigenous ethics, and principles of natural laws through the voices of Nehiyawak and other knowledge keepers, in order to suggest an agenda for educators to come to an understanding of an emancipatory and gentle education. Spatial justice and Indigenous epistemologies merge as synergistic, inclusive, and holistic entities, to support Aboriginal children and youth as both they and those who teach learn to celebrate disabled ontologies. The chapter concludes by presenting how Gentle Teaching and Indigenous ways of knowing should be honored in this quest of creating an equitable, caring, and inclusive society for all disabled Indigenous children and youth.

Criminology and criminal justice research in Australia that involves Indigenous peoples or has an Indigenous focus currently needs to follow guidelines of the National Health and Medical Research Council National Statement on Ethical Conduct in Human Research (Updated 2018) and the Australian Institute of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Studies (AIATSIS) Guidelines for Ethical Research in Australian Indigenous Studies (2012). However, neither of these documents specifically focus on research or evaluations in the criminology and criminal justice space, resulting in discipline-specific gaps. Drawing from both the Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples and Indigenous and post-colonial literature on research ethics, our chapter focuses on three core questions: (a) What does ‘free, prior and informed consent’ to participate in research mean and how should it be obtained and operationalised in criminology and criminal justice research involving Indigenous peoples and communities? (b) What does the requirement that research be ‘for the benefit of Indigenous peoples’ mean in the context of criminal justice research? and (c) How can ethical guidelines ensure that Indigenous-focussed criminological and criminal justice research and evaluation enhance and support Indigenous peoples’ empowerment and self-determination?

Spirituality is a foundational concept within African indigenous communities. Spirituality informs the socio-cultural, political, environmental and economic operating systems within these communities. It is perceived as a strength, but with the systemic debasement of the African indigenous spirituality, many systems informed by spirituality have been impacted in various ways, including the ethno-medical livelihood practices.

This chapter is based on a study that used an exploratory ethnographic case study approach with qualitative methods of data collection to explore the understanding of spirituality and its influence on well-being. The study context is Bomvanaland, in the Eastern Province of South Africa. The people of this area are called ‘amaBomvane’. The study is positioned within the social justice, constructivist interpretivist paradigm, combining Resilience theory (Mertens, 2009) with Ubuntu (an African indigenous framework), which is an African moral philosophical framework, as the influencing frameworks of the study. The study outcomes posit a practice of ethno-medical spirituality that is foundational to the identity and culture of the people who come from this area. This practice is embedded in Ubuntu, supporting resilience and well-being that carry the potential to positively influence their economies.