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Ethics is fundamentally a science of social and collective responsibility. Ethics concerns human behavior as responsible or accountable. Because of the nature of social interaction, certain members of the society will bear greater authority, and hence, greater individual and social responsibility than others. In our world, personal responsibility and social responsibility are hardly separable. Personal responsibility becomes responsibility for the world because the person and the world are inseparable. In this chapter, we use the term responsibility from a legal, ethical, moral, and spiritual (LEMS) standpoint as some promise, commitment, obligation, sanctioned by self, morals, law, or society, to do good, and if harm results, to repair harm done on another. Hence, responsibility from a moral perspective is trustworthiness and dependability of the agent in some enterprise. Its inverse is exoneration – the extent to which one is excused from commitment and repairing the harm done to others by one’s actions. We apply the theories and constructs of executive responsibility to two contemporary cases: (1) India’s Super Rich in 2014 and (2) the Fall and Rise of Starbucks. After exploring the basic notion of responsibility, we present a discussion on the nature and obligation of corporate responsibility into three parts: Part I: Classical Understanding and Discussion on Corporate Responsibility; Part II: Contemporary Understanding and Discussion on Corporate Responsibility, and Part III: A synthesis of classical and contemporary views of responsibility and their applications to corporate executive responsibility.

Purpose – The main objective of this study was to analyze the factors that affect the poverty level of the farming community after the tsunami that occurred in Aceh. After the conflict and tsunami, Aceh has faced severe poverty. However, the long years of conflict, political struggle, economic transformation, and natural disasters have caused Aceh to become one of the poorest provinces in Indonesia today.

Design/Methodology/Approach – The research was conducted in five districts in Aceh province: Aceh Barat, Aceh Besar, Pidie Jaya, Bireuen, and Aceh Utara. The total sample used in this study amounted to 280 farmers who were taken by stratified random sampling method. This research used primary data and secondary data. The analysis model used a logistic regression model with maximum likelihood.

Findings – The results showed that the poverty level of farmers is influenced by seven factors: education, experience, income, the number of family dependents, planting area, side job, and work motivation. The other factors such as age, farming tools, land ownership, and position in the community have no significant effect on the poverty level of the farmers.

Research Limitations/Implications – Implications of the results of this study show that financial assets are the most important factor in influencing each strategy implemented by farmers. The main obstacles faced by them are generally difficult to get credit because agricultural produce is uncertain.

Since the introduction of product certification in the 1980s, fair trade has grown apart from its social justice roots and the focus has steadily shifted away from calls for institutional market reform, corporate accountability, and fair prices, and toward a celebratory embrace of poverty alleviation and income growth through market integration and business partnerships. This paper examines fair trade's narratives of poverty and partnerships, focusing on the brand communication strategies employed by influential fair trade organizations and businesses. These are compared with how fair trade coffee producers in southern Mexico understand and practice partnership, demonstrating some of the ways in which the latter resist narrative framings which position them as entrepreneurial businesspeople first and cooperativistas second. The business partnerships between coffee buyers and producers are highly asymmetrical, and the partnerships that matter most for the Oaxacan coffee farmers are not with global businesses and certifiers, but instead with each other and their producer organizations. These relationships did not originate with fair trade, although, they are, in part, sustained by this system which supports democratically organized producer groups, the sharing of technical and market information, and communal management of the fair trade premium. In contrast to the organizations that certify and market their products, the paper demonstrates how farmers regard their precarious economic circumstances as an issue of social justice to be addressed through increased state support rather than market empowerment. The analytical juxtaposition of farmers' attitudes with fair trade organizational priorities contributes to the expanding literature examining how fair trade policies are experienced on the ground.