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Sociologists have paid little attention to what people mean when they call themselves “professionals” in their everyday talk. Typically, when occupations lack the characteristics of self-control associated with the established professions, such talk is dismissed as desire for greater status. An ethnography of speaking conducted among several technicians’ occupations suggests that dismissing talk of professionalism may have been premature. The results of this study indicate that among technicians, professional talk highlights dynamics of respect, collaboration, and expertise crucial to the horizontal divisions of labor that are common in postindustrial workplaces, but have very little to do with the desire for occupational power.

The aim of this study was to investigate the effect of a discoursal approach on Iranian intermediate EFL learners’ reading comprehension ability. A Quick Placement Test (QPT) was used to select 60 intermediate EFL learners as the participants of this study. Then, they were divided into experimental and control groups. Each group consisted of 30 learners. Prior to the treatment, the participants of both groups were given a pre-test to determine their reading comprehension levels. The experimental group was exposed to the Hymes’ model. In the control group the researcher used a traditional approach for teaching the reading skill. Then a post-test was administered to both groups. An independent samples t-test between post-tests of the study and a paired-samples t-test between the pre-test and post-test of the groups of the study were run. The results of the study indicated that applying Hymes’ model improved the learners’ reading comprehension while the traditional approach did not.

ﻛﺎ ن اﻟ ﮭد ف ﻣ ن ھذه اﻟ د را ﺳﺔ ھو اﻟﺗﺣ ﻘﯾ ق ﻓ ﻲ ﺗﺄﺛﯾ ر اﻟﻧﮭ ﺞ اﻟﺗد ر ﯾﺑ ﻲ ﻋ ﻠ ﻰ ﻗد ر ة اﻟ ط ﻼ ب ا ﻹ ﯾ ر اﻧ ﯾﯾ ن ﻋ ﻠ ﻰ ﺗ ﻌﻠ م اﻟﻘ ر ا ءة واﻟ ﻛﺗﺎﺑ ﺔ ﻓﻲ اﻟﻠ ﻐﺔ ا ﻹﻧ ﺟﻠﯾ زﯾﺔ ﻛﻠ ﻐﺔ أ ﺟﻧﺑﯾﺔ. ﺗم ا ﺳﺗ ﺧدام ا ﺧﺗﺑﺎ ر ﺗ ﺣدﯾد اﻟ ﻣ ﺳﺗ و ى اﻟ ﺳرﯾ ﻊ (QPT) ( ﻟﻠﺗﺄ ﻛد ﻣ ن ﺗ ﺟﺎﻧ س ﻣﺗ ﻌﻠ ﻣ ﻲ اﻟﻠ ﻐﺔ اﻹ ﻧ ﺟﻠﯾ زﯾ ﺔ ﻛﻠ ﻐﺔ أ ﺟﻧﺑﯾ ﺔ اﻟذﯾ ن ﻛﺎﻧ وا ﻓ ﻲ ﻓ ﺻ ﻠﯾ ن د را ﺳﯾﯾ ن. ﺛم، ﺗم ﺗﻘ ﺳﯾ ﻣﮭم ﺑ ﺷﻛل ﻋﺷواﺋ ﻲ إﻟ ﻰ ﻣ ﺟﻣوﻋﺎ ت ﺗ ﺟرﯾﺑﯾ ﺔ وﻣراﻗﺑ ﺔ. ﻛل ﻣ ﺟﻣوﻋﺔ ﺗﺗﺄﻟ ف ﻣ 30 ﻣﺗ ﻌﻠ ﻣﺎ. ﻗﺑ ل اﻟ ﻌ ﻼج، ﺗم إ ﻋطﺎ ء اﻟ ﻣ ﺷﺎ رﻛﯾ ن ﻣ ن ﻛ ﻼ اﻟ ﻣ ﺟﻣوﻋﺗﯾ ن ﻗﺑ ل ا ﻻﺧﺗﺑﺎ ر ﻟﺗ ﺣدﯾد ﻣ ﺳﺗ وﯾﺎ ت اﻟ ﻔ ﮭم اﻟ ﻘ ر ا ءة ﻟ دﯾ ﮭم. ﺗ ﻌر ﺿ ت اﻟﻣ ﺟ ﻣو ﻋ ﺔ اﻟ ﺗ ﺟ ر ﯾﺑﯾ ﺔ ﻟﻧ ﻣو ذ ج اﻟ ﺗ ر اﺗﯾ ل . ﻓ ﻲ اﻟﻣ ﺟ ﻣو ﻋ ﺔ اﻟ ﺿ ﺎﺑ ط ﺔ، ا ﺳ ﺗ ﺧ دم اﻟ ﺑﺎ ﺣ ث اﻟﻣﻧ ﮭ ﺞ اﻟ ﺗﻘﻠﯾد ي ﻟﺗد ر ﯾ س ﻣﮭﺎ ر ة اﻟ ﻘ ر ا ءة. ﺛم ﺗدا ر ﺑ ﻌد ا ﻻ ﺧ ﺗﺑﺎ ر ﻟ ﻛ ﻼ اﻟ ﻔ ر ﯾﻘﯾ ن . ﺗم إ ﺟ ر ا ء ا ﺧ ﺗﺑﺎ ر ﻣ ﺳ ﺗﻘ ل ﻟ ﻌﯾﻧﺎ ت t ﺑﯾن ا ﻻ ﺧ ﺗﺑ ﺎ ر ﯾ ن اﻟﻼ ﺣ ﻘﯾ ن ﻟﻠد ر ا ﺳ ﺔ و ا ﺧ ﺗﺑﺎ ر t اﻟﻣﻘﺗ ر ن ﺑﺎﻟ ﻌﯾﻧﺎ ت ﺑﯾ ن ا ﻻ ﺧ ﺗﺑﺎ ر اﻟﻣ ﺳ ﺑ ق و ا ﻻ ﺧ ﺗﺑﺎ ر اﻟﻼ ﺣ ق ﻟ ﻣ ﺟ ﻣو ﻋ ﺎ ت اﻟد ر ا ﺳ ﺔ. أ ﺷ ﺎ ر ت ﻧﺗﺎﺋ ﺞ اﻟد ر ا ﺳ ﺔ إﻟﻰ أ ن ﺗ ط ﺑﯾ ق ﻧ ﻣو ذ ج ھ ﺎﯾ ﻣز ﻗد ﺣ ﺳ ن ﻣ ن ﻓ ﮭم اﻟ ﻘ ر ا ءة ﻟﻠﻣﺗ ﻌﻠ ﻣﯾ ن ﻓ ﻲ ﺣ ﯾ ن أ ن اﻟ ﻧ ﮭ ﺞ اﻟ ﺗﻘﻠﯾد ي ﻟ م ﯾﻔ ﻌل ذﻟ ك

This paper is about marketing accounting. It is about reading marketing writing and writing marketing reading and what calls them into being. It is about our “ab‐outing” practices; those signifying practices by means of which we week to capture a piece of the world and show it off, wrapped in a suitable tale of discovery, in a cabinet in the museum of marketing knowledge. You may wonder why should we bother, since without those representation practices and textual conventions how could we be sure that the objects on display were real, not fakes; that our representations were true images of objects in the real world, not mere simulations of simulations? Do you find comfort in the view that marketing discourse organizes in such a way as to sustain the convention that objects in the marketing world “out there” are antecedent to our images of them? And does it discomfort you to recognize the ideas of Garfinkel (1967) being used to suggest that marketing accounts are constituent features of the settings we make observable? Whatever your answers, how textual organization persuades and makes real is a point worth considering. I think this is a timely project, as we warm to qualitative methods, especially ethnography, on the (mis)understanding that they can reveal truer, deeper, thicker insights into the real world. For it is not possible to avoid the problem of representation in this way, as Geertz (1973) reminds us in his invitation to reflexive ethnographic inquiry.

This story tells a version of my life as an ethnographer and symbolic interactionist. From an early age, I was intrigued by how people interacted and created meaningful worlds for themselves and by my own motives, actions, thoughts, and feelings. Later, as a student of sociology, my eyes were opened to the macro forces that constrained, liberated, and influenced actions, identities, and performances. Eventually, I located myself on the margins of sociology, as I experienced the constraints of mainstream sociology and how this perspective limited what and how I could study and write. I was drawn to a wider interdisciplinary community of scholars who examined experience more concretely and emotionally, and I began to work comfortably in the spaces between social science and literature, self and other, research and story. I now view myself more as a writer communicating heartfelt stories for the purpose of opening up and evoking conversations and emotional responses from readers than a reporter giving an account of what she has seen, heard, and analyzed from a distance, a researcher who works with others rather than one who collects data on them. In my current collaborative witnessing project with Holocaust survivors, I have come full circle, connecting macrohistory and structure with personal storytelling and integrating my sociological eye with a communicative heart.

This paper reports on findings from an ethnographic study of international student adjustment. The paper recommends the use of ethnography as a way to research the experiences of tourists and migrants to build up a body of knowledge on the outcome of cross-cultural contact for these two groups. The aim of my ethnographic study was to capture the adjustment journey of a group of international postgraduate students at a university in the South of England. The ethnographic approach involved regular in-depth individual interviews with 13 students of different nationalities and overt participant observation of the entire postgraduate cohort of 150 students. Research began on the first day of induction in September 2003 and ended upon completion and submission of the Masters dissertation in October 2004. Students' experience of adjustment to academic and socio-cultural life was therefore captured from arrival in the new country to the return home one full year later. This study finds that stress was at its height in the initial stage of the academic sojourn; the struggle to cope with the challenges of foreign language use and an unfamiliar academic and the socio-cultural environment at a time when students were beset with homesickness and loneliness are the causes of this stress. An association was made between the passage of time and a gradual decrease in acculturative stress; however, this was not a generalisable process; there was fluctuation not only in experience across the student body but also in the individual's subjective sense of success across different aspects of life in the new country. This led to the conceptualisation of the adjustment journey as an unpredictable and dynamic process that is experienced differently among sojourners and fluctuates throughout the sojourn as a result of a host of individual, cultural and external factors. The relevance of this study to tourism scholars comes from drawing parallels between the long-stay tourist and the international student who represents an important segment of international travel. However, a gap in the literature exists on the impact of tourism on the tourist that this study helps to fill.

This paper discusses how a small business experiences professional management by examining the relationship between organisational networking and cultural organising in the workplace. A network perspective is presented in order to evaluate the ways in which workplace relations are enacted to cultural organising. A social constructionist perspective of organisational networking is proposed which emphasises how individuals attribute value and meaning to the interactions they have with co‐workers in the workplace. A work place ethnography is presented which discusses the recruitment of a “professional” manager and his attempts to introduce new working practices into the family business. The analysis highlights how organisational members shape cultural organising by invoking emotional categories to produce mutuality and a sense of belonging in the workplace. In continually re‐enacting workplace relationships in this way, it is found that individuals attempt to trade away variance, divergent views and new organising practices concerned with change. The paper concludes with a final analysis of the ethnography and its implication for small business research and training.

Ethnography produces accounts; the critical reflection of accounts produces accountability. Ethnography requires accountability if meaningful conclusions and/or observations are to be made. Accountability requires ethnography if is to address lived experiences. Virno argues that the principles of “languaging” make ethnographies and accountability possible. This papers aims to describe an instance of the circularity of accountability and use this to explore Virno’s insights. Doing this helps us to see the connections between accountability and ethnography, and reflect on the nature of these interconnections.

Inspired by Paulo Virno’s philosophy, the authors assert that an ethnographer typically produces an account of a chosen “Other” in which this “Other” is held to account. But at the same time, the ethnographer needs to be held to account by the very same “Other” and by the “Other” of the (research) community. Furthermore, ethnographers are accountable to themselves. All these moments of accountability can endlessly circle, as responsibilization of the researchers by their Other(s) continues. For ethnography to function, this must be tamed as a (research) account ultimately has to be produced for an academic project to be considered complete. Drawing on Virno’s principle of the “negation of the negation” by the “katechon,” by the “katechon,” the authors propose a potentially valuable intervention that would enable ethnography – and by extension, ethnographers – to prosper.

The authors apply Virno’s philosophical reflections to propose a positive feedback cycle between ethnography and accountability. Virno’s ideation centers on two key concepts: (i) the multitude of social relatedness and (ii) the ontology of the languaging of individuation. Hereby, a positive circle of causality between ethnography and accountability can be realized, whereby the authors can respect but also break the causal circle(s) of ethnography and accountability. This might be achieved via a reflection on Virno’s concept of the “katechon.”

The authors illuminate the accountability–ethnography dynamic, providing an illustration of the circularity of ethnography and accountability and showing how Virno provides us with tools to help us deal with it. Hence, ultimately, the paper focuses on the accountability as ethnographers.

Michael Holquist (1990), one of the commentators on Mikhail Bakhtin’s monumental work, stated flatly that “human existence is dialogue,” and Ivana Markova (2003) declared that “dialogism is the ontology of humanity.” Bakhtin (1985;1986) himself said that such dialogues are conducted by using “speech genres.” From another angle Kenneth Burke asked, “What is involved when we say what people are doing and why they are doing it?” and claimed – and showed – that this question can be best answered by using what he called the “grammar of motives,” which consisted of a hexad of terms: act, attitude, scene, agent, agency, and purpose. In this chapter, I examine, by using various examples, how the Burkean grammar is used in the construction of one speech genre or the other to achieve rhetorically effective dialogic communication.

The purpose of this paper is to present researcher's reflexive writing about emergent events in research collaborations as a way of responding to the process-figurational sociology of Norbert Elias in the practice of organizational ethnography.

Drawing parallels between Norbert Elias' figurative account of social life and auto-ethnographic methodology, this paper re-articulates the entanglement of social researchers in organizational ethnographic work. Auto-ethnographic narration is explored as means to inquire from within the emerging relational complexity constituted by organizational dynamics. Writing about emergent events in the research process becomes a way of inquiring into the social figurations between the involved stakeholders; thus nurturing sense-making and increasing the awareness and sensitivity of the researcher to her own entanglement with the relational complexity of the organization under study.

In the paper, we argue that the writing of auto-ethnographic narratives of emergent field encounters is a process of inquiry that continuously depicts the temporal development of the relational complexity in organizations. Viewing that from the perspective of Elias' concept of figuration, we find a common commitment to the processual nature of research processes, which insists on moving beyond objectifying empirical insights.

This paper encourages awareness of the interdependency between ourselves as social researchers and field actors as we engage with the field. It moves beyond simplifying the ethnographic research agenda to that of “studying” and “describing” organizations. It offers unique insights into the organizational context, and increased sensitivity toward the social entanglement of the experiences that we, ourselves, as researchers are part of.

Ethnography has been an important research method that has given insight into ‘dangerous’ and ‘problematic’ populations. Yet, ethnographic methods with such populations are increasingly rare as the governance of social science research takes on an ever more intensified ‘risk assessment’ approach. Based on projects that made use of ethnographic methods undertaken from 2004 to 2008, this paper will try to offer some methodological reflections on working with ‘dangerous’ and ‘problematic’ populations such as mentally ill adults, those with antisocial behaviour orders (ASBOs), crack cocaine users and gangs. It will call for greater consideration to be given to the use of ethnographic methods with such populations to inform policy and practice.