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Traditional definitions of aging in place often define aging in place specifically as the ability to remain in one’s own home or community setting in later life. The purpose of this paper is to reframe aging in place and show how narrowly defined aging in place models can be potentially negative constructs that limit options for older adults. The authors propose a paradigm shift, or a re-framing of, the popularized idea of aging in place. The authors challenge mainstream and literature-based beliefs that are deeply rooted to the idea that aging in place ideally happens in the home in which a person has lived for many years.

The paper reviews common concepts and constructs associated with aging in place as well as gaps or exclusions, and US-based aging in place policy initiatives favoring the aging in place model.

An expanded definition of aging in place embraces heterogeneity in residence types and living options. A realistic assessment of person-environment fit, matching an older person’s capabilities to his or her environmental demands, allows for the development of additional aging in place options for those living across the continuum of care.

Aging in place should be moved from the personal “success” or “failure” of an older individual to include the role of society and societal views and policies in facilitating or hindering aging in place options. The authors demonstrate that these options, in facilities within the continuum of care, can be thought of as appealing for older persons of all levels of physical and cognitive functioning.

Research about aging in place tends to stress the value of one place (one’s home) over other living settings. This limits the ability of people to age in place and curtails discussion of all the items necessary to maintain place.

It is now forty years since there appeared H. R. Plomer's first volume Dictionary of the booksellers and printers who were at work in England, Scotland and Ireland from 1641 to 1667. This has been followed by additional Bibliographical Society publications covering similarly the years up to 1775. From the short sketches given in this series, indicating changes of imprint and type of work undertaken, scholars working with English books issued before the closing years of the eighteenth century have had great assistance in dating the undated and in determining the colour and calibre of any work before it is consulted.

There is a gradual shift away from traditional teaching and training methods based on academic research models to unstructured, learner‐centered programs designed to meet the specific needs of learners. Knowledge management processes and teaching methods used in three graduate courses in industrial/organizational psychology are presented in this paper. Learner‐enabled models, peer group teaching and mentoring, discussion groups, and experiential learning exercises were used in the classroom. Goals were to help learners acquire and develop a useful base of relevant explicit and tacit knowledge; to encourage learners to make better use of what they already know; and to more closely align classroom learning with specific job requirements. Practical applications were to prepare students to meet workplace demands; to create methods to transform information into useful classroom and work‐related knowledge; to tie employees’ learning goals to the mission, goals, objectives, and strategies of the organization; and to develop ways to recruit and retain highly talented workers.

Knowledge plays a key role in the information revolution. Major challenges are to select the “right” information from numerous sources and transform it into useful knowledge. Tacit knowledge based on common sense, and explicit knowledge based on academic accomplishment are both underutilized. Ways knowledge‐enabled organizations acquire, measure, teach, share and apply knowledge are discussed and illustrated. Methods to balance the use tacit and explicit knowledge at work and practical, proven ways to improve the understanding and use of knowledge are presented. Organizations must begin to create worker‐centered environments to encourage the open sharing and use of all forms of knowledge.

A strange phenomenon among women writers of the late eighteenth century, both conservative and liberal minded, was the predominance of female villains in their novels. While this can be seen as an after-effect of masculine patriarchal discourse, particularly for those women writers who possessed a more religious-based ideology, why was it prevalent among feminist writers of the time who should have been aware of misogynistic stereotypes? Two such writers who emulated this strange paradox were Mary Robinson and Charlotte Smith. Both these women had been vilified by the Anti-Jacobin British 18th press as notorious and corrupt ‘female philosophers’ who followed in the footsteps of Mary Wollstonecraft. This chapter will conduct a historical feminist close comparative reading of Robinson's novel, Walsingham, and Smith's novel, The Young Philosopher, based on feminist scholarship on eighteenth-century female writers. It will examine how the female villains in the novels overpowered even the male antagonists and were often the cause behind the misfortunes, directly or indirectly, of the heroines/heroes. While these villains did serve as warnings against inappropriate behaviour, they illustrated the disaster for women when there is a lack of female community. Specifically, in the case of Robinson, her Sadean villains illustrated that no one is spared from the corruption of power and that the saintly female figure is nothing but an illusion of the male imagination. They were fallen Lucifers, rebels who relished in their freedom and power despite their damnation and punishment. The patriarchal system was temporarily demolished by them.

This paper aims to present the methods and framework of the Community of Competence™ (C of C) originated by Smith as a new organizational model designed to maximize the use of scarce human and material resources. C of C links the words “community” and “competence” and incorporates the theories of socialization, systems thinking, learning organizations, self‐organizing systems, motivation, and creativity.

Combining the structure of a learning organization, systems thinking, the framework and methods of C of C was shown to create and support partnerships for sharing key information and knowledge in electronic networked global multidisciplinary groups. The general and unique roles human and organizational variables play in selecting and assigning members, defining and solving problems, and documenting results are discussed in three of 11 major healthcare projects presented in part II of this paper.

Healthcare is extremely competitive and primarily driven by the bottom line, the need to “do more with less”, and apply twenty‐first century thinking. Over the 2005‐2010 period, the authors learned that to remain competitive in the local/global marketplace, healthcare organizations must start to share competencies and make better use of limited or scarce human and material resources. C of C brings multidisciplinary groups together to solve complex problems by creating practical and efficient ways to more effectively identify, address, and develop realistic, cost‐effective solutions for major high‐priority problems and concerns in healthcare.

A C of C, as a new organizational model and catalyst for change, may foster a paradigm not only toward patient‐centered medicine or “medical home”, but also help improve the safety, quality, effectiveness, efficiency, timeliness and equity of healthcare as originally proposed by the US Institute of Medicine in 1999. Only then can patients and their families, as the only true customers of healthcare, be empowered and encouraged to more actively participate in decisions about their diagnosis, treatment, and outcomes.

The paper aims to propose that Community of Competence^TM (C of C), as a catalyst for change, can foster and accelerate a paradigm shift in how longstanding, complex problems in health care are perceived, interpreted, and resolved. When multiple stakeholders within a C of C share a common or superordinate goal, group productivity increases as more effective and efficient use is made of human and material resources.

The authors used the logical step‐by‐step process of systems thinking to see the whole picture, from beginning to end. Continuously cycling trial solutions back through the entire system improved the depth and breadth of results. Participants in each of the three ongoing projects used the safety and welfare of patients, the only true customers of health care, as a superordinate goal. This sole focus expedited and clarified decision making and provided valuable information on best practices for use in improving the safety and overall quality of patient‐centered care.

Results of anecdotal, observational, and documented findings validated the decision to continue using patient safety and patient welfare as the common, unifying superordinate goal in health care. The flexible structure and competency‐based, interactive work environment of C of C support networking and sharing of unique competencies and knowledge to guide a focused, streamlined problem‐solving processes.

C of C has been used for more than seven years to analyze high‐priority healthcare problems and to create comprehensive, realistic solutions. When members of a proven competence identify a superordinate goal, collaborate and openly share tacit and explicit knowledge, the efficiency, effectiveness, and quality of solutions increase.

Few scholars become notable figures in their areas of specialization. Understanding how and why some scholars are identified by their unusual accomplishments, therefore, can be difficult, especially when some scholars achieve more notable careers and are invisible in their professions than others, more recognized colleagues. The reasons for some scholars’ visibility and their colleagues’ invisibility may be unclear or ambiguous. One common reason for invisibility is being a woman in a patriarchal discipline. Men’s ideas, values, and careers are privileged and more highly rated in a patriarchal subject like sociology.

Here, I analyze case studies of invisibility that emerge from deliberate suppression but focus on the more hidden processes of making women invisible in sociology. These less overt processes of invisibility require different theories, networks, and methods to discover the women’s notable careers than those used in examples of more overt processes.

Making invisible women visible requires multiple processes, over time, by a number of professionals and gatekeepers.

In 2015, a librarian (Jessica Blackwell) and a course instructor (Trevor Holmes) collaborated to offer experiential opportunities in the archive itself for a large introductory Women’s Studies class. Since then, students from six semesters of the course have worked with primary source materials from the library’s collections. This chapter is a description of practice rather than a formal study. The authors describe design elements from the course, public products of the assignment, and reflections based on observations over time, offering several ways for librarians with access to archival material to co-design assignments with instructors. In the assignment variations, students visit the archive to complete a short transcription or digitization task pre-selected to benefit both the learners’ research skills development and the wider research community. Final products go live online, benefiting the students and the global research community. Then, students link the experience to a course reading in a critically reflective paper. While initially the projects hold barriers for students, in formal and informal reflections they ultimately find it to be a rewarding learning experience. The authors contend that the assignment has significant elements of experiential learning and high-impact practices.