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This article aims to discuss the effects of unpaid reproductive labour on labour productivity and production. We make use of a Marxist approach, recognising in its method and categories the necessary and adequate tools in order to disclose reality. Capitalism is regarded as patriarchal, and patriarchy as a set of social relations that dominate women and women’s labour-power for the benefit of men and capital. We argue that unpaid reproductive labour involves both class and gender struggles, which affect in a contradictory manner the capitalist accumulation process. Such assertion is reached by using an analytical instrument (based on linear algebra) developed in order to observe the impact that an insufficient fulfilment of the workers’ necessities has on labour productivity and production.

Mathematics can be a challenging content area for all students and especially for students with disabilities. Assistive technology can support the access, participation and achievement of students with disabilities in mathematics in general and in inclusive mathematics settings in particular. In this chapter, assistive technology to academic and functional mathematics will be discussed; particularly, manipulatives, calculators and other technology-mediated mathematics interventions (e.g., apps or computer programs) will be highlighted.

This chapter draws on analysis of the spatial and material configuration as well as analysis of use to establish whether and how open spaces contribute to an increased spatial justice in Comuna 13. Location, and visual and physical accessibility have been found to be limiting factors for the spaces’ usability by diverse user groups. Regulations and management issues have also been found to be highly influential on the sites’ usability, the diversity of its users or the regulation of behaviour deemed ‘inappropriate’, such as informal trade. On the other hand, design and spatial organisation into subspaces increased the spaces’ usability and accessibility for a diversity of user groups, thus increasing spatial justice. Analysis of use underlines the multifunctionality of people’s everyday spaces for pedestrian traffic, recreation and socialising as well as informal trade. It also shows that not all new spaces are accepted equally, and that new spaces fall into disuse especially if they fail to provide a design and functionality that relate to people’s everyday activities.

Between 1946 and 1962 the United States detonated 109 nuclear weapons in an area of the Pacific Ocean called the Pacific Proving Grounds, mainly at the Enewetak and Bikini Atolls in the Republic of the Marshall Islands. The British nuclear testing program spanned eleven years (1952-1963) and involved detonation of 21 weapons in addition to a number of smaller-scale experiments (the “minor” trials) in South Australia. In both cases lands that were inhabited by an original people were extensively contaminated by the testing and, following its cessation, these people desired the return of their lands in a condition that would support resumption of traditional lifestyles. Cleanup and reoccupation of the contaminated lands in these two arenas raised similar questions of cultural identity and communication and the importance of cultural as well as technical understanding in establishing conditions for safe resettlement. The approaches taken to resolving these questions in the two situations have been very different—featuring extensive stakeholder involvement in a technocratic decision making process in the Maralinga case and a series of attempted negotiations and claims under the terms of trust agreements with the U.S. government in the Marshall Islands case. Similar questions regarding what constitutes a safe final condition and the means by which safety will be maintained remain in each case however. The Australian case has reached the more definitive outcome of the two. A jointly drafted comprehensive environmental management plan, if fully implemented and sustained over the time periods necessary, could facilitate a semblance of the outstation lifestyle that the aboriginal Maralingan people desire. But what has been agreed to may still prove very difficult to live with given the levels of residual contamination and the many ways that traditional cultural practices put people in intimate contact with the land.

This paper seeks: (1) to understand householding as an economic survival strategy by viewing new, historical, evidence in light of previous work on the theme, (2) to fill gaps in the historical and anthropological literature on prewar Japanese farming villages that have resulted in an incomplete conceptualization of the household as a unit of production and consumption, and (3) to improve the overall comprehension of peasant behavior vis-à-vis questions about moral economy, ecological adaptation, and risk-taking.

The essay relies on information gleaned from a detailed 1935–1936 one-year diary of a small-scale farmer, published in 1938.

The prewar Japanese farming village was far more than a collection of households linked by sharing and reciprocal ties. It was not only a place where households as economic units of production and consumption were central, but one where individuals strived to obtain whatever they could, whenever they could. It appears that small-scale prewar Japanese farmers were as likely to take risks and to experiment in order to improve their lot as any other peasants around the world.

It adds to the understanding of prewar Japanese farming villages by presenting valuable historical data that has previously been unavailable in English. It also helps to better situate Japanese peasants in the context of global peasant culture and society, and improves understanding of developmental processes – especially in the case of 20th century Japan.

The Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC) IPCC (2007) projects that greater precipitation intensity and variability will increase the risks of flooding in many areas because of climate change. With climate change already happening, societies worldwide face the parallel challenge of having to adapt to its impacts as a certain degree of climate change is inevitable throughout this century and beyond, even if global mitigation efforts over the next decades prove successful (European Commission, 2007).

The chapter deliberates on research ethics and the unanticipated side effects that technological developments have brought in the past decades. It looks at data protection and privacy through the prism of ethics and focuses on the need for safeguarding the fundamental rights of the research participants in the new digital era. Acknowledging the benefits of data analytics for boosting scientific process, the chapter reflects on the main principles and specific research derogations, introduced by the EU General Data Protection Regulation. Further on, it discusses some of the most pressing ethics concerns, related to the use, reuse, and misuse of data; the distinction between publicly available and open data; ethics challenges in online recruitment of research participants; and the potential bias and representativeness problems of Big Data research. The chapter underscores that all challenges should be properly addressed at the outset of research design. Highlighting the power asymmetries between Big Data studies and individuals’ rights to data protection, human dignity, and respect for private and family life, the chapter argues that anonymization may be reasonable, yet not the ultimate ethics solution. It asserts that while anonymization techniques may protect individual data protection rights, the former may not be sufficient to prevent discrimination and stigmatization of entire groups of populations. Finally, the chapter suggests some approaches for ensuring ethics compliance in the digital era.

With the literal translation of “New Village,” Kampong Baharu came into existence in 1899 with an area originally of about 223 acres located between the Klang and Batu rivers. It used to be a traditional water community, where people's lifestyles were entirely dependent on the river systems, and the main sources of livelihood were fishing and agriculture. It is believed that the idea to open the settlement was mooted by His Highness The Sultan of Selangor in 1897 to provide permanent settlement for the relocated Malays who were requested to leave, so as to make way for tin mining and related activities in the areas around adjoining Klang and Gombak rivers. Today this area is located around the Kuala Lumpur Mosque at Jalan Tun Perak. This event, however, is unrecorded in history (Personal Communication with MAS, 2007). It was reserved as the Malay Agricultural Settlement (M.A.S.), composed of nine communities then reduced to seven under a special autonomy of M.A.S. The total population of the area is around 45,000 with certain variation each year. To carry out the projects mentioned above, allotments of land were approved for the Malay people along with the condition that they develop the land through crop planting. Also, schools were built and amenities including roads and even irrigation water wheels were provided. M.A.S. was mandated to manage people's lives and activities and mediate between the people and government when conflict arises.

What insights might attending to the cyclical history of colonially imposed environmental change experienced by Indigenous peoples offer to critical intellectual projects concerned with race? How might our understanding of race shift if we took Indigenous peoples' concerns with the usurpation and transformation of land seriously? Motivated by these broader questions, in this chapter, I deploy an approach to the critical inquiry of race that I have tentatively been calling anticolonial environmental sociology. As a single iteration of the anticolonial environmental sociology of race, this chapter focuses on Native (American) perspectives on land and experiences with colonialism. I argue that thinking with Native conceptualizations of land forces us to confront the ecomateriality of race that so often escapes sight in conventional analyses. The chapter proceeds by first theorizing the ecomateriality of race by thinking with recent critical theorizing on colonial racialization, alongside Native conceptualizations of land. To further explicate this theoretical argument, I then turn to an historical excavation of the relations between settlers, Natives, and the land in Rhode Island that is organized according to spatiotemporal distinctions that punctuate Native land relations in this particular global region: the Reservation, the Plantation, and the Narragansett.