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The purpose of this paper is to empirically examine the relationship between police use of force and citizen complaints alleging improper use of force.

The current study utilizes official use of force and citizen complaint data, as well as surveys of patrol officers, from the Assessing Police Use of Force Policy and Outcomes Project, a multimethod National Institute of Justice funded study.

Bivariate and multivariate analyses revealed that the number of use of force incidents that officers were involved in, as well as the types and levels of resistance they encountered from citizens, was related to use of force complaints from citizens. That is, those officers that were involved in more use of force situations were engaged in force encounters where the highest level of citizen resistance was “failure to comply,” and faced higher cumulative levels of citizen resistance, received more complaints alleging improper use of force.

Studies of citizen complaints against police officers, especially those alleging improper use of force, should consider the number of force incidents officers are involved in, as well as other theoretically relevant force correlates.

Administrators, concerned with citizen allegations for improper use of force against their officers, should work to encourage their personnel to minimize the number of use of force applications, or at least less cumulative force, to resolve encounters with citizens.

While prior studies have examined police use of force and citizen complaints independently, the current study examines the empirical connection between use of force behavior and the generation of complaints from citizens.

This paper aims to put the focus on political disaffection that the voters may have and its impact on their resistance to the changes, thereby influencing intention to adopt Internet voting. This study also examines the impact of perceived risk and technological skills on the trust of the Internet technology and informal networks, such as social influence and media influence on the trust of the government.

To empirically test the model, an online survey is administered to 851 people who are eligible to vote.

The findings show that positive media influence and social influence also significantly impact trust in government but trust in government does not necessarily decrease resistance to change and positively impact intention to adopt eVoting. Also, the resistance to change was shown to significantly influence the intention to use Internet voting.

A primary potential limitation of this study is the use of convenience sampling, which may lead to self-selection bias that limits the generalization of our research to all citizens.

Government institutions, as well as political parties, can use the findings of this research to understand how political dissatisfaction such as apathy and cynicism can increase trust in technology and lead to higher participation in online voting.

While the focus on previous literature has been heavily on security and system requirements, this study expands existing research by exploring voting habits, political disaffection, the resistance of change and informal influence on intention to use online voting.

In most jurisdictions, resistance is the primary legal justification for police use of force. Identifying the correlates of resistance helps to anticipate non-compliance, increase officer safety, and maintain low rates of use of force. Following previous research on subject demeanor, the purpose of this paper is to argue that the presence of resistance is determined subjectively, based on an individual’s interpretation of a situation.

Binary and multinomial logistic regression models were used to analyze resistance reported in 878 interventions involving police use of force in a large Canadian city. A four-category measure similar to those commonly found in previous studies was used to build dependent variables and a series of 14 behaviors based on the actions of a subject was used as a predictor of reported resistance.

As expected, subject behavior was found to be a significant predictor of reported resistance. Officer and citizen characteristics (gender, race, age/experience) were weakly related to the outcome. Models were found to offer considerably better predictions when situational factors were included.

Perceptions of resistance were found to be influenced by a variety of factors, including, but not limited to, the subject’s actions.

This study tested predictions derived from social psychological theorising on the deindividuation phenomenon concerning the effects of working alone or collectively on the quality of outcomes of police patrolling activity. Police officers (n = 1,118) reported the resistance experienced when they last carried out each of 12 patrol activities. Officer age, gender, rank and experience did not predict resistance experienced. Increased resistance was associated with the more active afternoon and night shifts, the presence of larger numbers of civilians, and the two (cf. one) officer patrol mode. Although the resistance experienced by officers working collectively in part reflected the influence of work shift on patrol mode, there were substantial proportions of variance in resistance for most patrol activities that could not be explained by the shift variable. The influence of collective patrolling on resistance was consistent with theorising about the origins of deindividuated behaviour, and highlighted the importance of broad conceptualisations of organisational effectiveness when evaluating individual and collective functioning.

The purpose of this case study is to investigate the role of a governmental social audit (SA) practice in enabling emancipation, and changing patterns in the balance of power, position and understandings between dominant micro actors and disenfranchised rural citizens.

Enlisting Bourdieu's practice theory concepts of field, habitus, capitals and symbolic violence, the case study is informed by semi-structured interviews at central, state, district, block and village levels as well field observations and secondary data. This study is a part of a larger critical accounting research project conducted in India over four months, covering eight annual implementation cycles.

The study demonstrates that despite entrenched hegemonic micro forces and public sector corruption, SA's accounting and accountability practices have altered the rules of the game in this field. This emancipatory perspective has redefined deep-seated, generational patterns of power relations and domination, impacting the distribution of capitals and habitus in the daily life of rural citizens.

This study provides an alternative perspective to understanding governmental SA formats in developing nation contexts at the micro level. In line with Celerier and Botey's (2015) focus on inclusionary and democratic participation, this study challenges the dominant perspective of accounting as strengthening power asymmetries and focuses on its potential as an emancipatory agent.

The paper provides a site of effective implementation of a participative accountability practice in developing nation contexts that offer suggestions to states, countries and policy-makers. This paper also adds to critical accounting literature in the field of SA and social services at a micro level. Drawing upon Bourdieu in this underexplored field, it shines a light on relational elements of change through accounting and accountability practices for researchers and practitioners.

To provide readers with some basic information about the use of impact munitions in modern American police work.

The paper identifies various sorts of impact munitions and places key findings from previous studies of these devices in a broader historical context of police force options.

Impact munitions are an increasingly popular feature of contemporary American policing that rarely lead to serious injury, but can, under certain circumstances, cause fatal injuries.

The paper provides interested academics and professional with information about an increasingly popular police force option.

Many long‐standing technologies embody the ability to locate and track people. During the last couple of decades of the twentieth century, new technologies have been developed which greatly increase those capabilities. The nature of these technologies is described, and the processes identified whereby they are being applied to the serious detriment of civil freedoms. Implications are drawn for technology‐using organisations, for technology providers, for standards developers, for policy makers, and for privacy and data protection commissioners.

This study aims to contribute to an increased understanding of intra-organizational city brand resistance by identifying and discussing different types of counter-narratives emerging from the political and administrative arenas.

The empirical material consists of secondary data as well as six in-depth semi-structured interviews with Danish mayors and city managers in three different municipalities in Denmark.

Intra-organizational counter-narratives differ from inter-organizational counter-narratives but resemble a number of issues known from extra-organizational resistance. Still, significant differences are found within the political arena: lack of ownership, competition for resources and political conflicts. Lack of ownership, internal competition for resources and distrust of motives play an important role within the administrative arena. Mayors are aware of the needs for continued political support for branding projects but projects are nonetheless realized despite resistance if there is a political majority for it.

This study points to the implications of city brand resistance and counter-narratives emerging from the “inside” of the political and administrative arenas in the city, here defined as “intra-organizational counter-narratives”.

It is suggested that politicians and municipality staff should be systematically addressed as individual and unique audiences and considered as important as citizens in the brand process.

So far little attention has been paid to internal stakeholders within the municipal organization and their impact on the city branding process approached from a narrative perspective.

According to the “New Public Management” paradigm, citizens are viewed as active participants through all the different steps of service planning and provision. Nonetheless, citizens' involvement is still far from being systematically applied within local governments. The purpose of this paper is to give a contribution to this stream of research by investigating whether a part of this resistance could be explained by the differences between public administrators and elected officials' perspectives on the role of the citizens in service quality improvement processes.

A mail survey was conducted among a sample of Italian town municipalities in May and June of 2010. A total of 102 questionnaires were returned (59 from politicians and 43 from public managers), and these questionnaires were then analysed through t‐tests and regressions.

Findings support the existence of a statistically significant difference between public administrators' and elected officials' attitudes. Differences exist in three main issues: the relative importance of citizens as sources of inputs to improve public service quality, the objectives of citizens' involvement and the structure of citizens' preferences.

Results could have been influenced by the degree of New Public Management development within the specific research setting (Italian local governments).

Formalising the role, the timing and the contribution of citizens' involvement to the municipal decision‐making process could help to mitigate the mentioned dualism. Creating a favourable cultural background and sharing a citizen‐oriented vision within the whole organisation, from top levels to front‐line employees, is fundamental.

This paper is the first to suggest that these resistances toward involving citizens in quality improvement processes could be due to the differences between administrators' and elected officials' perspectives.