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As part of a tobacco farmer diversification randomized intervention study in 14 eastern North Carolina counties, a media content analysis of 16 local newspapers was conducted. All available issues of each of the newspapers from the period 1 November 1996, through 31 December 1999, were reviewed, and all relevant articles were clipped, coded, and entered into a database. Media coverage intensity was compared, qualitatively, with data from interviews with local civic, health, and religious leaders. There was, on average, only one tobacco diversification article in every 100 newspaper issues. The hypothesis that coverage of tobacco diversification and tobacco control would become more favorable in the intervention counties over time was not supported. Interview data showed that organizational leaders placed a higher priority on tobacco diversification policy issues than evidenced by media coverage.

This article examines the relationship between tobacco control and tobacco harm reduction, illuminating the differences and similarities between them.

Drawing on published sources, the author conducts a critical analysis of the prevailing discourses on tobacco control and tobacco harm reduction.

Although tobacco control and tobacco harm reduction differ in their views on the resolutions to the tobacco “problem”, they manifest similar underlying assumptions about the nature of “the smoker” and are equally silent on the topic of pleasure.

This article emphasises the need for tobacco harm reduction to take pleasure seriously and highlights the limitations of approaches focused exclusively on risk and harm reduction.

Tobacco has exercised the interest of the nation since Elizabethan times, and the inhalation of its smoke for pleasure has become very widespread. It was not until the mid‐twentieth century, however, that its effects upon health were suspected. It is now widely accepted that tobacco smoke is implicated in a range of dangerous diseases, although the tobacco industry sometimes argues that the link is not proven. The arguments about the conflicting needs of a large, world‐wide industry and the health and prosperity of individuals and society are complex, and often influenced by conflicting vested interests. Government's involvement in the issues is further complicated by its reliance upon large tobacco revenues. The link between advertising and increased smoking, either by existing or new smokers, is not proved by research, although there are strong indications that it exists. The behaviour of most parties involved, including the tobacco companies, indicates that they share the belief of a link. Voluntary controls upon tobacco advertising have had some effect, in that, for example, advertising in the U.K. is no longer overtly directed at children, but various anti‐smoking lobbies believe voluntary control to be ineffective. The present British government has toyed wth the possibility of statutory control, but faces stiff opposition from back‐benchers and within the cabinet; it is also probably philosophically opposed to such measures. More research is needed into the link between advertising and smoking behaviour.

The purpose of this paper is to examine the underlying drivers for the development and subsequent discontinuation of stand-alone corporate social responsibility (CSR) reporting in a multinational subsidiary in Bangladesh.

The research approach employed for this purpose is a case study using evidence from a series of in-depth interviews conducted during the period 2002-2010. Interview data are supplemented by examining other sources of information including annual reports, stand-alone social reports and relevant newspaper articles during the study period.

It appears that the stand-alone CSR reporting process was initiated to give the subsidiary a formal space in which to legitimise its activities in Bangladesh where both tobacco control regulation and a strong anti-tobacco movement were gaining momentum. At the start of the process in 2002 corporate interviewees were very receptive of this initiative and strongly believed that it would not be a one off exercise. However, in the face of subsequent significant national policy shifts concerning tobacco control, irreconcilable stakeholder demands and increasing criticism of the CSR activities of the organisation at home and abroad the process was brought to an abrupt end in 2009.

The paper has a number of implications for policy makers concerning the future prospects for stand-alone social/sustainability reporting as a means of enhancing organisational transparency and accountability. In addition the paper discusses a number of theoretical implications for the development of legitimacy theory.

Using the lens of legitimacy the paper theorises the circumstances leading to the initiation and subsequent cessation of CSR reporting in the organisation concerned. As far as the authors know this is the first study which theorises and provides significant fieldwork-based empirical evidence regarding the discontinuation of stand-alone social reporting by a multinational company operating in a developing country. Thus, it extends previous desk-based attempts at using legitimacy theory to explain a decrease (or discontinuity) in CSR disclosures by de Villiers and van Staden (2006) and Tilling and Tilt (2010).

This study aims to analyse the strategic moves used by major tobacco corporations to thwart the ratification of the World Health Organization’s Framework Convention on Tobacco Control (FCTC) in Brazil.

The authors conducted a detailed historical case study spanning 1988–2005 and encompassing the period leading up to Brazil’s FCTC ratification. The authors collected qualitative data from various sources to triangulate and develop a comprehensive historical account.

The historical analysis identified three distinct phases. First, the acquisition of a Brazilian cigarette factory, Souza Cruz, by British American Tobacco dramatically altered power dynamics, strengthening the position of the tobacco industry. The second phase regards the era of dictatorship and the efforts of various actors advocating against smoking and the tobacco industry. The third phase involved Brazil’s re-democratisation and the challenges of securing FCTC ratification, during which fierce industry opposition had to be overcome. Throughout these phases, the authors identified four key strategies used by multinational corporations (MNCs) in Brazil to uphold unsustainable practices and products that contradicted public interests instead of reforming them: shaping collective memory, dissimulation, re-presentation and redirecting attention.

This study contributes to critical international business research on emerging economies by examining how Brazil’s position in the global capitalist system has influenced its dependency and how MNCs produce and maintain cycles of poverty and unsustainable practices through the exploitation of power dynamics within the country.

This paper aims to investigate the extent to which three subgroups – people with mental health conditions, people belonging to sexual minority and gender groups and Indigenous peoples – have been “left behind” by countries implementing the World Health Organization’s Framework Convention on Tobacco Control.

A general review of electronic bibliographical databases to provide an overview of smoking prevalence among the three groups and interventions designed specifically to reduce their smoking rates.

Although explanations and specific rates differ, two trends are consistent across all three groups. First, information reported in the past two decades suggests that smoking prevalence is disproportionately high among people with mental health conditions, and in the rainbow and indigenous communities. Second, most cessation programmes are targeted at majority politically dominant groups, missing opportunities to reduce smoking rates in these minority communities.

There is a general dearth of data preventing detailed analysis. Better data collection efforts are required. Trials to identify effective smoking reduction interventions for marginalised groups are needed.

It is socially unjust that these groups are being systematically ignored by tobacco control initiatives. A failure to equitably reduce tobacco harms among all groups across society has contributed to the perceived concentration of smoking in some subgroups. The increasing stigmatisation of people who smoke then adds a marginality, compounding the negative effects associated with belonging to a marginalised group. Ongoing marginalisation of these groups is an important determinant of smoking.

Cross-case analysis of neglected subgroups with disproportionately high smoking rates suggests social marginalisation is a shared and important determinant of smoking prevalence.

“Healthy public policy” in tobacco control is essential to support other efforts to reduce smoking prevalence, especially among the young. The government of Guernsey in the Channel Islands has recently agreed to implement a comprehensive and integrated package of measures intended to make tobacco smoking less acceptable, less accessible and less affordable to young people. Such measures include raising the legal age of purchase, a substantial price rise over a period of years, a total ban on local tobacco advertising and specially funded initiatives in health education and promotion. Summarizes the process and barriers to achieving “Healthy public policy” in tobacco control.

The purpose of this study was to evaluate how higher tax on tobacco would influence output and employment in Vietnam.

The authors used micro-simulation techniques proposed by Walbeeck (2010). Both national data (from Input–Output Table) and household data (Vietnam Household Living Standard Survey) were utilized.

The results showed that any increase in the excise tax for tobacco would have positive net impacts on both national output and employment. The tobacco industry would not be significantly affected due to its small contribution to national economy and employment. More importantly, money released from reduced tobacco consumption would be reallocated to other goods and services, and thus outputs and jobs in nontobacco sectors would increase.

The key limitation of this study was due to unavailability of updated data, especially Input–Output Table as well as household living standard survey.

This study concluded that government should increase tax on cigarette along with a well-planned roadmap to avoid unexpected consequences on income and employment of laborers in this sector.

This study replicated a popular approach in order to verify an important government policy (i.e. effect of tax on tobacco on output and employment) under Vietnamese context.

The purpose of this paper is to provide theoretical and empirical insights into the effective use of external accounts by social activists in conflict arenas in order to bring about change.

This paper presents a longitudinal case study of Action on Smoking and Health UK (ASH) and their use of external accounts and other activist practices during the period 1999-2010. The authors explore these practices from the perspective of one organisation engaged in conflict arenas concerning the (un)acceptability of tobacco production, consumption and governance. The authors conduct the exploration based upon a dynamic conflict arena framework that attends to the range of external accounting and activist practices, tactical intentions and states of conflict used by ASH to confront the tobacco industry and bring about change in tobacco governance.

The study identifies the use of a diverse range of external accounts and other activist practices. This assemblage of practices was used to confront, counter-act and to co-operate with actors engaged in tobacco-related conflicts. The evidence suggests that the deployment of different types of external accounts by ASH was aligned to the context of the particular conflict arena involved, and was influenced by the strategy and engagement tactics of the activists and other actors, as well as power dynamics and acceptability of the tobacco governance in the conflict arena. Whilst ASH used different external accounts in specific episodes of activism, these individual accounts also contributed to an emerging holistic account of the unacceptable consequences of tobacco production, consumption and governance.

This study provides new theoretical and empirical insights into how external accounts can contribute to the problematisation of governance and development of social and environmental change agendas. The dynamic conflict arena framework developed in this paper creates new visibilities and possibilities for developing external accounting practices and for researching this fast-developing area of social and environmental accounting.

The purpose of this paper is to compare the response to HIV/AIDS and drug use (drugs harm reduction) with tobacco harm reduction.

Analysis of historical and contemporary sources, combined with personal knowledge of key stakeholders in the history and development of both fields.

Both drugs harm reduction and tobacco harm reduction share a similar objective – to reduce health risks for people who are unwilling or unable to stop using their drug of choice. Both also share a broader public health aim of helping people to make healthier decisions. Drugs harm reduction – as a response to HIV/AIDS – included the adoption of a wide range of radical harm reduction interventions and was a public health success. It became an established part of the professional Public Health agenda. In contrast the Public Health response to e-cigarettes and tobacco harm reduction has ranged from the negative to the cautious. A recent Public Health England report is exceptional for its endorsement of e-cigarettes.

Highlights contradictions in Public Health responses to drugs and tobacco; and that public health interventions can be implemented without and despite the contribution of professional Public Health.