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The majority of Hong Kong filmmakers have pursued co-production with China filmmakers for having the Mainland market at the expense of local styles and sensitivities. To many critics, the two-part series of Ip Man and Ip Man II provide a paradigmatic case of film co-production that sell the tricks of Chinese kung fu, regurgitating the overblown Chinese nationalism against Japanese and kwai-lo. The purpose of this study is to rectify such observation of the Ip Man series.

The authors read the series deconstructively as a postcolonial text in which Hong Kong identity is inscribed in the negotiated space in between different versions of Chinese nationalism.

The analysis points to the varying subversive features in the series from which Hong Kong’s colonial experiences are tacitly displayed, endorsed and rewritten into the Chinese nationalistic discourse whose dominance is questioned, if not debased.

This paper advances new research insights into the postcolonial reinvention of kung fu film and, by implication, the Hong Kong cinema in general.

The purpose of this paper is to examine two significant political advertising campaigns which used the “It’s Time” slogan and to reflect on how these related to official, popular and commercial nationalism in Australia. The paper is primarily concerned with two main issues: identifying and examining the variety of images of Australia in two key television advertisements, and exploring the methods by which advertising agencies created positive images of Australia and Australians in the two campaigns. It specifically highlights the significance of the “It’s Time” campaign, which is relevant for scholars and advertisers seeking to understand effective political communication.

This paper examines television advertisements by using semiotics as the principal methodology. The research methodology devised for the advertisements consists of two main components: a shot combination analysis, also known as a shot-by-shot analysis, and a semiological reading of the visual and acoustic channels of the advertisement.

This paper examines the use of commercial nationalism in television advertising. As one of many social and cultural influences, advertisements assist the individual in understanding their notion of themselves and their relationship with the wider community – be it local, national, regional or global. The primary focus of this research is the phenomenon of commercial nationalism – the adoption of national signifiers in the marketplace. However, by examining the more general discourse on nationalism, particularly the voice of official nationalism – the promotion of nationalism by the nation-state (or those aspiring to power), the symbiotic relationship between these two complementary brands of nationalism is explored.

The methodology adopted for analysing the two political advertising campaigns offers conceptual and practical value. It provides a consistent set of terms and concepts for further research to build upon. The paper provides insights for the marketing or examination of advertising campaigns. The paper demonstrates the power of market research to inform a framing strategy for a political campaign. The paper contributes to the body of knowledge in this area and thus society’s understanding of these important periods in the nation’s history. In particular, the paper provides an exploration into the “It’s Time” campaign and how it mobilised a broader cultural awakening to engineer success at the ballot box in 1972. The two case studies examined in this paper are relevant to political scientists and media and communication scholars.

The research question is how home country corruption and nationalism may affect operations of BRIC multinational enterprises. BRIC composition permits a comparison of two authoritarian regimes and two constitutional democracies. Each BRIC features a different combination of corruption and nationalism. The chapter adds South Africa information for two limited reasons. First, from 2010 South Africa is a member of the BRIC summit process. South Africa is an important entry point to Africa, for BRIC multinationals and particularly for China. Second, concerning corruption and nationalism South Africa is analytically useful as a control context that helps illustrate but does not appear to change highly exploratory BRIC findings.

The chapter draws on limited literature and information concerning corruption and nationalism in BRICs to suggest tentative possibilities. Transparency International provides bribe payers index estimates for 28 large economies, with important multinational enterprises, and corruption perceptions index estimates including those 28 countries. These estimates include the four BRICs and South Africa. The available sources suggest some suggested findings about varying impacts of home country corruption and nationalism on operations of BRIC multinationals.

China and Russia are authoritarian regimes in transition from central planning-oriented communist regimes. They are global military powers, expanding influence in their respective regions. Brazil, India, and South Africa are constitutional democracies. India, a nuclear-armed military power, seeks a regional leadership role in South Asia. Brazil and South Africa are key countries economically in their regions. BRIC multinationals are positioned between home country and host country conditions. Chinese and Russian multinationals may reflect a stronger nationalistic tendency due to home country regimes and ownership structure.

The chapter is an original but highly exploratory inquiry into impacts of corruption and nationalism on BRIC multinationals. Extant BRIC literature tends to understudy effects of home country corruption and nationalism on managerial mindset and incentives in either commercial or state-owned enterprises.

This paper seeks to analyse Foster's Lager advertising since the early 1980s. In particular, it aims to focus on the Foster's Lager “I Believe” integrated marketing communications (IMC) campaign launched in 2000 and the use of “commercial nationalism”.

A close textual analysis consisting of semiotics, shot combination analysis, and content analysis is incorporated into the discussion of the Foster's Lager advertisements examined. These methodologies are helpful for deconstructing mediated representations of this iconic beer brand.

Nationalism and humour have both played an important part in Foster's Lager advertising campaigns. However, campaigns in more recent times have become more sophisticated and ironic. In examining a number of significant advertising campaigns for Australia's flagship beer, the transition from national to global beer brand can be documented. Since 1888 the brand name Foster's has evolved from being just one of a number of beer brands in Australia to the international flagship product of the global beverage giant, and fourth largest brewing company in the world, Foster's Group Limited.

In particular, the Foster's Lager “I Believe” campaign was an excellent example of the witty use of nationalism and patriotism to communicate a message.

Examining how the Foster's Lager brand evolved into a global brand provides lessons for marketers and educators, particularly in the effective use of commercial nationalism.

The paper brings a detailed analysis of the successful use of commercial nationalism.

Lenin argued that nationalism should be supported against colonialism, though ultimately subordinated to the interests of the working class. He admitted there were linguistic and cultural issues, but associated the nation state chiefly with capitalist economics. Contrasts Lenin′s historical argument with that of Jacob Gould Schurman who emphasized linguistic and cultural sources of nationalism, and looks at both in the light of basically different kinds of nationalism which developed in Prussia, Caucasian Georgia and the Balkans. In all three cases, the nations have their origins earlier than Lenin supposed, and linguistic and cultural issues are mixed with economic issues in all of them. In at least some cases, nationalism poses insoluble problems unless it is subordinated to a federalist structure.

The purpose of this paper is to investigate, theoretically and empirically, the role of the six dimensions of reconceptualized ethnocentrism in consumer ethnocentrism. The paper investigates both direct and indirect effects of the six dimensions on consumer ethnocentrism, through four theoretically meaningful mediators: nationalism, ethnic ingroup positivity, national ingroup positivity and prejudice against foreigners.

This study has used primary data collected from 304 US citizens through online surveys, including measures of demographics, ethnocentrism, consumer ethnocentrism, nationalism and attitudes toward ethnic ingroups, national ingroups and foreigners. Correlational, sequential multiple regression and parallel multiple mediation analyses were conducted to investigate effects of the dimensions of ethnocentrism on consumer ethnocentrism.

Regression and mediation analyses, covarying age, education, gender, ethnicity and socio-economic status, showed that ethnocentric purity had a direct effect on consumer ethnocentrism, whereas ethnocentric devotion and exploitativeness had indirect effects, entirely mediated by nationalism. There were no significant effects of the other dimensions of ethnocentrism, ethnic ingroup positivity, national ingroup positivity or prejudice against foreigners. In addition, two demographic variables (white/Anglo Americans and lower socio-economic status) had a direct effect on consumer ethnocentrism, whereas three other variables (gender, education and age) did not.

This study is first to explore how the dimensions of ethnocentrism relate to consumer ethnocentrism. Although consumer ethnocentrism has often been linked to ethnocentrism, the relationship has never been explicitly studied. Ethnocentrism, defined as ethnic group self-centeredness and self-importance, in which the main role is to ensure ethnic group strength and survival, plays a substantial but mainly indirect role via nationalism in consumer ethnocentrism. This study shows that both direct and indirect processes concerned with ethnic groups play a substantial role in the development of consumer ethnocentrism. Implications of the findings for consumer ethnocentrism and global consumer culture are discussed.

The purpose of this paper is to give a critical review of the City-State Theory by Wan Chin of Hong Kong. Chin is referred to as the “Father of Hong Kong Independence,” and his two books about the City-State Theory of Hong Kong are popular among the netizens in Hong Kong as a new model of Hong Kong-China (People’s Republic of China (PRC)), in which Hong Kong is considered a city-state and should be fully segregated from the PRC other than in seeking its help in military and diplomatic functions. This paper will aim to review his works with the view of nationalism and nativism theories.

This paper uses nationalism theories with particular focus on Benedict Anderson’s Imagined Communities and theories on American nativism. Then an effort is made to compare these theories against Chin’s arguments on his City-State Theory. This paper also compares his theories against China’s state-nationalism raised by Professors He and Guo.

This paper concludes that Chin advocates a “Hong Kong Nationalism,” a blend of traditional Chinese culture and moral values (he used the term Huaxia), but with a Western influence, into a typical Hong Kong culture. His theory fits into Anderson’s arguments of allowing Hong Kong citizens to imagine Hong Kong as a nation, through the “ramparts” of the city-state. His nativist advocacies also have shown strong nationalistic sentiments. He argues that China should be built in the Hong Kong model before the PRC intervention.

Despite his fame, this paper is the first comprehensive academic paper to review Chin’s theories. This paper introduced the notion of “ramparts” and how this has become the backbone of Chin’s nationalism advocacies.

The purpose of this paper is to study the just and highly praised Timorese nationalism leading to independence, deal, in particular, with the attitude of the East Timorese and raise questions about their national identity.

This paper is largely based on an anthropological and political science research with interviews.

East Timor’s nationalism is unique and formerly linked to Liurai chiefs. Political nationalism is discussed in the third part of the paper.

This research is the first of its kind. East Timor research is mainly centered in the period 1975–1999 of Indonesian occupation. The concepts nationalism, identity and politics are under-researched concepts in East Timor. There the political system is unique.

When countries differ in the perceived quality of their products, country‐of‐origin (CO) labelling influences consumer choice. While the influence of nationalism on perceived quality has been well documented in the literature, the effect of worldmindedness has not been examined in this context. Primarily explores the role of worldmindedness in product quality perception. Confirms the impact of CO and nationalism on product evaluation. In studying 593 Austrian consumers, the research finds the effect of CO is moderated by the characteristics of consumer groups. Reveals that the effect of worldmindedness on product evaluation is enhanced for foreign products and is diminished for domestic products, however, the impact of nationalism on product evaluation is enhanced for domestic products and is diminished for foreign products. Suggests promotional and positioning implications for targeting both groups.

The purpose of this paper is to provide a situated, theoretically informed account of national identity construction by exploring children's engagement with nationalism in the context of the classroom in divided Cyprus. The paper aims to illustrate how children enter and participate in the cultural world of nationalism in the classroom by accepting, resisting, and negotiating the ideological meanings they encounter there.

The research on which the paper draws used an ethnographic approach. The paper draws primarily on teacher‐student exchanges during class lessons and, to a lesser extent, on interviews with children.

The paper suggests that the process of engagement between children, teachers, and nationalism often produces powerful senses of belonging which are, however, always limited and unstable both because of ideological contradictions and ambiguities and because of children's access to alternative knowledge.

Though the ethnographic evidence suggests that nationalism in educational contexts produces powerful senses of belonging among children, more research is necessary to document the processes by which children consume nationalistic ideologies.

The paper is original because it offers a dynamic explanation of national identity construction through the application of practice theory to ethnographic data which takes into account both the powerful institutional constraints imposed on children at school as well as their agency and ability to impact their worlds.