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By 2026, students of color will make up 54 percent of the school-age population. Literature on recruiting and retaining teachers of color reveal that teachers of color are underrepresented in US schools (Castro et al., 2018). Cultural differences between teachers and students result in higher number of students of color being expelled or suspended, low graduation rates and lower numbers of students of color in advanced math, science and gifted courses. With an emphasis on retaining teachers of color the purpose of this paper is to examine how traditional school contexts play a role in teacher retention.

This was a qualitative case study that examined white teachers’ perceptions about their interactions with African American teachers (Merriam, 1998). A case study was useful in describing the boundaries of the school and how this type of context allowed the researchers to explore intergroup differences between both groups of teachers (Hays and Singh, 2011). Nine white teachers from predominantly white schools in the USA were interviewed (Seidman, 1998). The data were analyzed using what Glaser and Strauss (1967) call a constant comparative method. This process compared the intergroup theory with teachers’ responses.

Findings indicated that white teachers had little or no experience interacting with people who were racially and culturally different from them. Because of their curiosity about race, African American teachers were categorized as the “black expert.” White teachers asked them to speak with African American parents, give expertise on areas of discipline and chair multicultural events. Group boundaries developed rapidly as white teachers overwhelmed teachers of color with only their racial problems. African American teachers were forced into roles, which prevented them from contributing in other areas. Thus, African American teachers grew tired of only playing one aspect of their teaching.

Upon entering their schools, teachers bring with them a broad array of experiences, knowledge, skills and abilities. This results in a form of assimilation where they become like-minded to their schools’ norms and values. As incoming teachers of color enter with different norms and culture, they mediate boundaries having both groups of teachers adjust to cultural differences (Madsen and Mabokela, 2013). Intergroup differences often occur due to changing demographics in schools. If teachers cannot work through these normative conflicts, it will be reflected in teacher turnover, absences, workplace disagreements and teachers of color leaving.

If the focus is to recruit teachers of color, there needs to be an emphasis on preparing leaders on how to identify and address intergroup differences. As in Bell’s (2002) study and Achinstein’s (2002) research, when teachers have differences it will have influence how teachers will collaborate. Thus, teachers of color are prevented from sharing their philosophy about teaching students of color. These individuals also share the burden of being the only person who can advocate for students of color, but also serve as cultural translators for other students as well.

Future educators not only need to understand how to teach demographically diverse students, but it is important for them to understand how multicultural capital plays an inclusive role in getting all students to do academically well. The question becomes of how one teaches the importance of “humanistic” commitments for all children.

Booysen (2014) believes that identity and workplace identity research only allows for integration of divergent perspectives. More study is needed to understand how do workers navigate their identity through the workplace. Workplace identity among group members results in power discrepancies and assimilation verses the preservation of micro cultural identity. Thus, both groups often have competing goals and there is a struggle for resources. Cox (1994) believes that these tensions cause group members to center on preserving of their own culture. Hence, groups are more aware of their need to protect their cultural identity which ultimately affects retention of workers.

Lesbian, gay and bisexual (LGB) employees constitute one of the largest, but least studied, minority groups in the workforce. This article examines what we know, and what we need to know, about the career and workplace experiences of this understudied population. The construct of sexual identity is defined, followed by a review of the research on sexual orientation in the workplace. Then an analysis of the differences between LGB employees and other stigmatized groups is presented. Three unique challenges facing LGB employees are identified, and conceptual models are developed that explain underlying processes. Finally, career theories are critically analyzed, and an identity-based longitudinal theory of LGB careers is presented.

This chapter provides an analysis of the plight of African American women leaders as they journey to the superintendency. African American women remain largely underrepresented in the superintendency. Although the number of women superintendents has increased over the years, the superintendency remains a male-dominated field and African American women remain in the minority. Consequently, African American female superintendents must overcome many obstacles such as racial and gender stereotypes, caustic work environments, and restricted access to opportunities. Critical to dismantling the underrepresentation of women superintendents is the role of mentorship and hiring practices on the recruitment and retention of Black women superintendents. Mentorship is an essential strategy in weathering these barriers. African American women also deserve a voice in the hiring practices of school districts. Further, when marginalized groups, such as Black women, are placed at the center of hiring discourses, hidden paradigms and vestiges of discrimination will be unearthed to unify efforts to provide increased opportunity and positive workplace environments. These efforts have implications for research and practice in the area of mentorship and hiring to amplify the voices of African American women superintendents and presence in the superintendency.

Research funded by the Albert Shanker Institute found African-American teachers leaving teaching at higher rates than White counterparts even though the former are recruited in proportionally higher numbers. Thus, while recruitment efforts appear somewhat successful, schools and school systems fail to retain teachers of color. This “revolving door” of African-American teachers portends dire consequences for school communities, creating instability of staffing that potentially upend students’ opportunities for academic success. African-American female (AAF) teachers, considered a backbone of non-White communities, are particularly sensitive to teacher mobility and turnover. Studies, however, indicate that AAF teachers are more satisfied working in urban school contexts than other teachers, suggesting that they prefer racially congruent schools which share sociocultural attributes similar to their own, and view working conditions more favorably in such environments.

Teachers’ perceptions of the workplace can be used to gauge risk for occupational stress. Commonly referred to as the transactional model, teachers’ risk for stress can be assessed by the appraising workplace resources vis-à-vis workplace demands. Stress-vulnerable teachers are associated with lower professional commitment and increased occupational burnout. Using data from the National Center for Education Statistics 2007–2008 Schools and Staffing Survey (SASS), this chapter explored the intersections of risk for occupational stress, racial congruence, and professional commitment among AAF teachers. Findings from this chapter suggest interactions between racial congruence and AAF teachers’ perceptions of occupational stress and commitment to teaching. Implications for how these results might inform policy are discussed.

A recent study considered the extent of workplace bullying in four-year colleges and universities (Hollis, 2015a). However, as 60% of all community college employees (faculty and staff) are represented by collective bargaining (Berry, Savarese, & Boris, 2012), no studies consider the impact of labor unions on the extent of workplace bullying at community colleges and the impact on people of color in labor unions.

Guided by a theory on social responsibility espoused by Dawkins (2010), this study considered a sample of 142 community colleges through a correlation analysis to reveal that 67% of those who belong to unions are subject to workplace bullying, 3% higher than the general population reporting their experiences in relationship to workplace bullying at community colleges. Further, 76% of people of color in unions also are affected by workplace bullying in community colleges. In contrast, 68% of people of color not in unions are affected by bullying.

The purpose of this paper is to delineates workers’ labour turnover and considerations around work, in a context of informalisation of work, through a case study of temporary non-resident farm workers in the deciduous fruit sector in Ceres, South Africa.

The research design is a three-phase exploratory sequential mixed-methods strategy. Findings from 29 in-depth interviews were refined, verified and ranked in four focus groups. These informed grounded indicators in a survey of 200 farm workers employed in peak season and their 887 household members.

Considerations are informed by work-related insecurities, interpersonal workplace relationships and reproductive insecurity in the form of care of others, social linkages and residential insecurity, seemingly hierarchical. The least important considerations most thwart workers’ ability to complete fixed-term contracts and account for over 70 per cent of labour turnover in the form of resignations. In sum, workers experience constrained considerations around work arising from their material, social and economic conditions.

This is the first study on the labour turnover of farm workers in South Africa and the fifth globally. The research gives precedence to the voice of farm workers and is a thick description of workers’ considerations around work.

This article aims to provide a qualitative analysis of the diversity management challenges of professionals in corporate America. A specific focus is on the differential outcomes of women and ethnic minorities and their equal employment opportunities in the workplace.

This paper examined the workplace experiences of 42 African‐American and Caucasian men and women in corporate America. Semi‐structured interviews were held to discover diversity management issues unique to these groups.

It was found that challenges supported a priori assertions of organizational culture, discrimination/stereotyping, and human capital investments. Each of these challenges impacted members in qualitatively different ways that may account for the variability in work experiences and outcomes. While there were some consistent themes, the findings demonstrated significant within race and between gender differences.

Qualitative studies provide in‐depth information and a deeper understanding about phenomena which allows one to capture general themes that can be obscured in survey research. The intersection of race and gender provides unique findings that should be considered in future research. The use of self‐reported perceptual data without triangulation can limit the generalizability of the study but does provide a view in the language and emotion of the individual who is sharing his/her workplace experience.

The findings demonstrate that diversity management practices need to consider race, gender, as well as multiple group memberships (e.g. African‐American women) which reveals unique issues to be addressed within organizational contexts. There are also differences within race, by gender, in the ways that individuals experience the workplace. The findings provide insight for managers to aid in diversity management and retention.

Race is socially constructed and has a political rather than biological basis for determining it. Racial categories in one country which limit an individual's power, influence, freedom, and clout may be very different than categories in another country or political context. Because race is socially constructed, individuals may increase or lose power, privilege, influence and status as they move from one sociopolitical context/power structure in one country to another.

This research provides an additional lens through which to examine the workplace experiences of women and minorities to aid managers in deriving the maximum benefit in a diverse, well‐qualified labor force.

Education policies in the United States reinforce social stratification by prioritizing and normalizing middle-class whiteness in schools (Leonardo, 2007; Picower, 2009). The teacher labor market has also become more feminized, making white middle-class women paragons of exemplary educators (Rury, 1989; Tolley & Beadie, 2006). These sociopolitical and historical factors continue to play out in the current U.S. education workforce where 80% teachers are white and 76% of teachers are female (Hussar et al., 2020). Meanwhile, student demographics are shifting with students of color comprising over 50% of the public student population (de Brey et al., 2019). Diversifying the educator pipeline is a well-documented strategy to improve educational outcomes for all students, specifically students of color, and to achieve greater equity and inclusion in public education. However, the retention and promotion of educators of color remains a critical and complex issue.

Thus, looking at the intersection of race and gender in the education workplace, the purpose of this chapter is to highlight the experiences and expertise of women K-12 educators of color to identify best practices for career development. Applying Psychology of Working Theory (PWT) and utilizing modified meta-synthesis methodology, the chapter highlights the experiences of Black, Latinx, Asian American, and Indigenous/Native American women K-12 principals and superintendents to (1) thematize and conceptualize how women of color define their work in education spaces through a PWT lens and (2) understand how PWT themes can illuminate ways to build more diverse and inclusive career pathways for women of color leaders.

This chapter explores the parallels between the recruitment and retention of students from marginalized backgrounds, and efforts with similarly identifying faculty and student affairs administrators. Higher education institutions target specific student populations to increase access, thus leading to an increase of students of color, low-income students, and first-generation students on college campuses (Chen & Nunnery, 2019). This welcome development proves inadequate on its own, as the critical support structures necessary for student success are not in place. Students' lived experiences are not attended to in a manner that fosters thriving (Jack, 2019; Nunn, 2021).

Research underscores the significant positive impact on marginalized students of having faculty and student-facing administrators from similar backgrounds on their campus (Braxton et al., 2014; Kuh, Kinzie, Buckley, Bridges, & Hayek, 2007). The intentional recruiting of these college personnel provides a vital means of attending to the needs of underrepresented students. Yet, the student experience is not instructive for the work with underrepresented college employees. The lived experiences of the faculty and administrators from marginalized identities are not being addressed either, similar to that of underrepresented students (Orelus, 2020). When these college personnel leave institutions unexpectedly or stay but are not thriving, this impacts students, colleagues and the college as a whole. In many respects, institutions are replicating inequities they commit to substantively dismantle, limiting the racial justice work they promised, and effectively thwarting their own Diversity, Equity, and Inclusion (DEI) efforts.

Using an autoethnographic approach, this chapter will explore these parallel issues, and propose recommendations for future research and institutional policy and practice for retention of underrepresented faculty and student-facing administrators.